The sudden assassination of the ambassador caused European public opinion, which was already unfavorable to the Ottomans, to tilt completely against them. Even politicians, experts, and scholars who had originally leaned toward the Ottomans fell silent. As a result, the Austrian government terminated the second round of negotiations on May 7, 1882, just three days after the incident. Shortly after, on May 9, the Austrian government issued an ultimatum to the Ottoman government, demanding that they hand over the perpetrators of the “massacre” within a week. This was not a matter of willingness but an outright impossibility. The people involved in the massacre were too vaguely defined. The identities, number of victims, and locations of the incidents were all unclear. Even if the Ottomans wanted to investigate, they wouldn’t know where to start. Not to mention a week, even if given a whole year, the Ottoman government would still be unable to find the real culprits. At the same time as the Austrian government’s announcement, the Greek government also issued an ultimatum to the Ottoman Empire with nearly identical demands which was to hand over the perpetrators. Everyone knew that war was imminent. The international community turned its attention to Britain and Russia as these were the only two powers left with the influence to impact the conflict. France could have played a role as well, but they had two governments. If one supported something, the other was bound to oppose it. In such a critical moment for winning public support, only a fool would back the Ottomans and risk offending the country’s religious factions. At Gatchina Palace in St. Petersburg, the Ottoman ambassador to Russia, Dimitri Pasha, had been waiting anxiously in the reception hall for over three hours. The cigars he had brought with him were nearly burned out. At that moment, Alexander III was leisurely fishing. While he had not yet reached the point where “the Tsar goes on vacation and makes Europe wait,” he certainly had the power to make the Ottomans wait. “Your Majesty, the ministers have arrived,” a maid’s crisp voice rang out. “Bring them in!” Alexander III replied. As for the waiting Ottoman ambassador, he would just have to keep waiting since Alexander III had no intention of meeting him. If not for the need to put on a show for the Austrians and gain leverage at the negotiation table, the Ottoman ambassador might not have been allowed into the palace at all. Despite the seemingly pleasant smile on his face, Alexander III was not in a good mood. Only his impeccable upbringing allowed him to keep his emotions hidden. This sudden Near East War was different from previous ones. This time, the Austrian government had not consulted with Russia in advance, wounding Alexander III’s sense of pride. The world was a pragmatic place. During the First Near East War, the Russian Empire was at its peak, and everything revolved around them. With its overwhelming strength, Russia had secured the long-coveted Constantinople. By the time of the Second Near East War, however, things had changed. Austria had become the main force in the war, while the Russian Empire was relegated to a supporting role. Even as a supporting force, Russia’s role had always been coordinated in advance, and within the alliance, the Russian Empire still held considerable status. But times change. By now, the balance of power between Russia and Austria had undergone a dramatic shift in which Russia had become almost irrelevant. The Russian government had been deliberately delaying its stance to pressure Austria and increase its influence in the war. Unfortunately, the outbreak of civil war in France removed Austria’s concerns, significantly diminishing Russia’s importance in this conflict. … Setting down his fishing rod, Alexander III stood up and adjusted his attire. “The Third Near East War is on the verge of breaking out. We need to make a decision. What are your thoughts?” Marshal Ivanov, the military leader, was the first to speak. “Your Majesty, this is a rare opportunity. This is our best chance to restore the Russian Empire to its former glory.” Minister of Internal Affairs Dmitry Tolstoy countered, “Marshal, this war holds little significance for us. What the empire needs now is to recuperate and regain its strength, not expand its territory. After the last two Near East Wars, the Ottoman Empire has already lost its ability to threaten us. The only valuable asset they still hold is the other side of the Black Sea Straits. Twenty years ago, that would have been crucial for us, but now, it’s practically irrelevant. Our carefully built Black Sea Fleet is gone, and with the government’s current financial situation, we cannot rebuild it anytime soon. Even if we gain the key to the Mediterranean, it would be of no use to us.” Hearing this explanation, Ivanov flew into a rage and said, “How can you say it’s meaningless? Eliminating the Ottoman Empire, our long-standing enemy, and fulfilling the dream of our Russian ancestors is the greatest significance of all! The revival of the empire—” As Marshal Ivanov continued his impassioned speech, Alexander III began to feel that inviting him to this meeting had been a mistake. However, the Russian Empire was a place that revered strength, and with Ivanov’s dazzling record of military achievements, no one could simply ignore his opinion. The even-tempered Alexander III quickly adjusted his mindset. The military’s support for war was inevitable. No matter which general was present, the result would be the same. Without war, where would military achievements come from? If they didn’t seize this perfect opportunity to crush the Ottomans, how would the top military leaders explain it to their subordinates? Did people really think the saying, “A Tsar who does not attack the Ottomans is not a true Tsar,” was just a joke? With Russo-Turkish wars breaking out roughly every twenty years, the goal was never just to capture Constantinople. More often than not, they knew from the outset that achieving that goal was impossible. And yet, the Russian government insisted on fighting this “campaign” time and again. For the Tsar, it was about prestige; for the military, it was about glory; for the government, it was about… Beating up the Ottomans had always yielded rich rewards, and after nearly two centuries of buildup, the benefits of destroying the Ottoman Empire would be even greater. Ivanov had built his career on fighting the Ottomans. If he could be the one to bring about their destruction, the historical impact would be monumental. At the very least, Russian history books would glorify his achievements. At this point, Minister of Finance Alisher Gulov couldn’t help but interrupt. “Marshal, we all understand the benefits of eliminating the Ottomans. The problem is that the government has no money. If we join this war, we will have to rely on Austrian funding, which means we’ll be at a disadvantage when it comes to postwar spoils. From the empire’s perspective, it would be better to delay this Near East War until we have regained our strength. Only then can we maximize our benefits.” This was a fact. Keeping the Ottoman Empire half-alive was not a major issue. They could wait another ten or twenty years before finishing the job. On the other hand, if the Ottomans were wiped out now and most of the Near East fell into Austrian hands, Russia would lose any chance of claiming those lands in the future. Ivanov remained unmoved and replied, “That’s pure idealism. Austria already has the strength to destroy the Ottomans on its own. The revolutionary upheaval in Europe means no other country can intervene in Austria’s actions anytime soon. Unless we’ve completely lost our minds and decide to ally with the Ottomans, their fate is already sealed. I trust that no one here is foolish enough to suggest such a thing. As for securing our interests, that will depend on our diplomatic skills. But no matter how bad things get, it’s still better than sitting idly by and watching the Austrians destroy the Ottomans without us.” Although Ivanov’s words were harsh, his logic was flawless. The Russian government could never support the Ottoman Empire. If they did, they wouldn’t even need to worry about Austrian retaliation; a coup would break out in the country first. The enmity between Russia and the Ottomans was deeply ingrained in the Russian psyche, especially among the nobility. Any Russian noble family with a history of over two hundred years had ancestors who had fought the Ottomans. Many had lost relatives on the battlefield, and this blood feud had been passed down through generations. Looking back at history, Russia and the Ottomans had clashed twice in the past thirty years alone. Even if the government wanted to downplay this hatred, there wasn’t enough time to make it happen. Beyond hatred, there were also strategic interests at stake. If Russia didn’t join this war, Austria would destroy the Ottomans and extend its influence into the Black Sea, creating a direct threat to Russia. … On May 11, 1882, the Russian government formally demanded that the Ottoman Empire redraw its borders. Everyone knew that yet another major power had entered the war. Perhaps spurred on by Russia’s involvement, Montenegro also decided to join the fray. On May 12, 1882, the Montenegrin government submitted an astronomical compensation claim of “860 million guilders” to the Ottoman Empire. The claim detailed the losses Montenegro had suffered over the centuries due to Ottoman military invasions. Austria welcomed Montenegro’s sudden appearance with open arms. Allies were always welcome. Whether they were meaningful partners or just trying to make themselves relevant. With that, the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, led by Austria, was officially formed.
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