According to the terms of the alliance, Austria, Russia, Greece, and Montenegro were to deploy forces of 350,000, 336,000, 26,000, and 3,000 troops, respectively. Austrian Chief of Staff Albrecht was appointed as the Supreme Commander of the coalition forces. Just by looking at these numbers, it was clear that their goal was total annihilation. In the previous Near East War, Austria and Russia had deployed fewer than 300,000 troops combined, yet they had already beaten the Ottoman Empire to the brink of collapse. The most crucial aspect of joint military operations was coordination, and the biggest challenge was the language barrier, which made communication difficult and significantly increased the complexity of coordinating various units. Throughout the second half of May, the four nations focused on overcoming this challenge. Albrecht, as Supreme Commander, held multiple joint meetings to coordinate organizational matters. The slow pace of the mobilization of the coalition’s forces gave the Ottoman government a glimmer of hope. Sultan Abdul Hamid II issued a nationwide mobilization order. In a desperate move, the Ottoman government lowered the conscription age to 12, enlisting anyone capable of carrying a rifle, with no upper age limit. Over the years, the Ottoman Empire had accumulated too many enemies. The four nations of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition were all historical adversaries, leaving no room for reconciliation. Faced with a life and death crisis, the Ottoman Empire was forced to tap into its full potential. Under the immense pressure of impending destruction, reformists, conservatives, and religious factions within the empire all tacitly ceased their internal conflicts. … Downing Street, at the Prime Minister’s Residence British Foreign Secretary George stated, “The Ottoman government is putting up a strong resistance. They are fully prepared to fight to the death. Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha has announced an extreme mobilization order, calling up two million troops to wage a decisive war against the Anti-Ottoman Coalition.” Prime Minister Gladstone was shocked. “Two million troops? How is that even possible? What is their population, and how could they possibly sustain such a massive army?” Just because the Russo-Prussian War saw both sides mobilizing millions of troops, it didn’t mean large-scale mobilization was simple. Only four nations in Europe—Britain, France, Russia, and Austria—were truly capable of mobilizing an army of two million. There wasn’t a fifth country that could match them. Spain might have the manpower to call up that many troops, but its national strength was nowhere near sufficient to sustain such a force. As for the German Federal Empire and the Nordic Federation, they didn’t even have the population to make it possible. Beyond the material requirements, a mobilization of this scale was also a serious test of a government’s organizational capabilities. Mobilizing troops didn’t just mean drafting them, it meant actually deploying them in a timely manner. Take Britain as an example. In an all-out effort, it could theoretically muster not just two million but even five million troops. The problem was time, and time was exactly what the battlefield lacked. This was now the era of modern warfare. Simply recruiting able-bodied men into the military didn’t mean the mobilization was complete. Perhaps an ordinary infantryman could be rushed to the battlefield after ten or fifteen days of training as cannon fodder. But specialized soldiers like artillerymen and airship crews, could not be trained in such a short time. At its peak, even the Ottoman Empire had never been capable of fielding a two-million-strong army. Now, with the empire barely clinging to life, the idea of mobilizing such a force seemed completely unrealistic. However, Foreign Secretary George remained unfazed. “The number may be exaggerated, but it at least demonstrates the Ottoman government’s determination. Keep in mind, the Ottomans are a unique case where universal conscription is entirely possible for them. With a population of around 7 to 8 million, raising two million troops is not out of the question. Of course, they will need our help. If they do enter a state of total war, their domestic production will be crippled. Given their limited national strength, they won’t be able to sustain it for long…” At this point, Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Childers interrupted, “Sir, this Near East War is unlike the previous ones. The Austrian government is fully committed to destroying the Ottoman Empire. Given the current situation, the chances of the Ottoman Empire surviving are extremely slim. Any investment we make in them now will be impossible to recover. The government cannot waste taxpayers’ money.” War was a monstrous drain on resources, and even the wealthy British Empire had to think carefully before making such a commitment. “No! How can this be considered a waste?” George explained, “Without the Ottomans as a buffer, we will have to face the Polar Bear and the Two-Headed Eagle directly. If that happens, the defense of India will no longer be a distant concern, it will be imminent. The Ottomans are already prepared to fight to the death. If we provide them with a batch of supplies, they will do everything in their power to hold back the Two-Headed Eagle and the Polar Bear. Rather than spending vast sums on defending India in the future, it would be far more cost-effective to support the Ottomans now…” Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Childers rolled his eyes in disdain and coldly retorted, “That only works if the Ottomans can win. Otherwise, all we will accomplish is exacerbating tensions and bringing the defense of India forward, with no other benefit.” His meaning was clear. He had no faith in the Ottomans. If they lost the war, the empire would cease to exist, and Britain lacked the means to force Austria and Russia to shoulder any debts. Worse still, Britain’s support for the Ottomans might provoke strong resentment from both Austria and Russia, pushing them toward an agreement to divide India between themselves. Yet Foreign Secretary George remained resolute. “That’s the wrong way to look at it. The odds of an Ottoman victory are indeed slim, but with our support, they can hold out longer. Among the four members of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, Greece and Montenegro are just tagging along. The Russians have solid military strength, but their pockets are empty. Therefore, the cost of the war will inevitably fall on Austria. For every penny we invest in the Ottomans, the Anti-Ottoman Coalition will have to pay several times that amount to secure victory. France is no longer a power to rely on. Even if Napoleon IV manages to suppress the rebellion, it will take years for him to recover. We must use this war to bleed Austria dry and drain their financial resources. This is crucial to maintaining the balance of power in Europe. Besides, the international situation is constantly shifting. The longer we can prolong the war, the greater the chance that circumstances will change in our favor—perhaps even reversing the situation entirely.” Most of what had been said could be dismissed as empty words, but the idea of using this war to drain Austria’s financial resources caught Gladstone’s attention. Destroying is always easier than building. If the Ottomans couldn’t be saved, then they should at least be shattered. The ideal outcome would be to reduce them to scorched earth, ensuring that even if Austria expanded its territory, it would gain nothing of real value. Even if harming Austria did not directly benefit Britain, what mattered was the ratio of losses on both sides. A strategy of “sacrificing 300 to kill 1,000” could serve as an unconventional path to victory. In the rivalries between great powers, gains and losses could no longer be measured in simple terms. In a certain sense, as long as a competitor suffered more than Britain, it was a victory. … Once again, the air in Constantinople, this ancient city, was thick with the scent of gunpowder. The Anti-Ottoman Coalition’s headquarters had been set up here in this city of immense political significance. This decision was a reflection of the political compromise between Austria and Russia. Austria had appointed the supreme commander of the coalition, but the headquarters was placed on Russian-controlled territory, symbolizing the equal status of the two empires within the alliance. At this moment, the headquarters was filled with a gathering of military elites. It was no exaggeration to say that “generals were as common as foot soldiers, and only marshals sat at the top.” This was an inevitable consequence of history. After the Russo-Prussian War, the Russian army had been downsized from its peak of five million troops to just 500,000. Even with the outbreak of the Near East War, that number had only increased to 700,000. With such a drastic reduction in forces, a corps commander being reassigned as a division commander, or a division commander becoming a regimental officer, had become normal practice. Under these circumstances, it was almost impossible for Russian officers not to hold high ranks. In most armies, a division commander was typically a major general or a colonel, but for the Russians, these ranks were completely inadequate. The lowest-ranking division commanders all started as lieutenant generals. The Near East War was seen as the best opportunity to earn military merit, so naturally, officers flocked to the battlefield. The result? Even lieutenant general-ranked regimental commanders started appearing. Perhaps influenced by the Russians, Montenegro and Greece also began promoting “temporary generals” and “temporary marshals” on the battlefield in order to speak as equals in military discussions. One of the most tragic figures among them was a Montenegrin marshal who commanded only a reinforced regiment, likely the most unfortunate marshal of his era. With so many high-ranking officers, coordinating operations became increasingly difficult for Albrecht. According to standard military convention, the highest-ranking officer typically assumed command. If Austria strictly followed this practice, its army would suffer in coordinated operations. After all, Austria had no concept of “temporary ranks” or “temporary marshals.” Franz would never agree to such a shameless practice. Achieving rank parity was impossible. Even if Austria gathered all its generals, it still wouldn’t match the ranks of its allies. Thus, Albrecht himself, as Austria’s Chief of Staff, had no choice but to take command of the coalition forces. Without war, military promotions were naturally slow. Austria’s military system was already well-established. Without sufficient battlefield achievements, no amount of seniority alone could elevate an officer to the rank of marshal. With the passing of the older generation, Albrecht became the last remaining Austrian field marshal, making him the best candidate for Supreme Commander of the coalition forces. At the Coalition Headquarters, Major General Bartolome, the military judge, reported, “Commander, in the past three days, there have been 128 cases of public disturbances, brawls, and fights. The Military Police have arrested 358 individuals, including three generals.” With the four-nation coalition forces gathering in Constantinople, the city’s security rapidly deteriorated. In this city filled with high-ranking officers, the local police were completely powerless. At the request of the Mayor of Constantinople, Albrecht established the Allied Military Police. However, the military police had the authority to make arrests but lacked the power to impose punishments. Since the allied armies were not in a superior-subordinate relationship, and each country’s military law had different sentencing standards, the offenders had to be handed back to their respective nations for disciplinary action. In most cases, as long as the incidents weren’t too serious, they were ultimately settled without severe consequences. Without the ability to make an example out of someone, the Military Police had little deterrent effect. By now, their daily routine had become an endless cycle of arresting, releasing, re-arresting, and releasing again. In fact, within just two weeks of the Allied Headquarters’ establishment, some individuals had already achieved the “glorious record” of being arrested and released seven times. Albrecht simply nodded. This was Russian territory, and since the Russians weren’t concerned, it wasn’t his place to be the bad guy. In reality, the Russian troops from Russia were the most numerous among the allied forces, and the majority of military discipline violations were committed by Russian officers and soldiers. Observing the chaotic state of the coalition army, Albrecht had already lost hope in the success of this joint military operation. After all, those who had entered Constantinople were either high-ranking officers or their guards—people who were supposed to have more sense than ordinary soldiers. However, intelligence was no match for alcohol. Once they had a few drinks, problems inevitably arose. Over 95% of all military discipline violations occurred under the influence of alcohol. Fighting over women, bar brawls, and fistfights were minor issues. Dine-and-dash incidents and refusing to pay for goods were common occurrences. The most absurd case? Some soldiers even dueled in the streets. When drunk, there was no limit to the ridiculous things that could happen. With war looming and an uncertain future ahead, it was understandable that low-ranking soldiers needed to release some tension. Normally, generals should have been above such behavior but the Russians were an exception. Due to the war, many dark horses had risen rapidly within the Russian ranks. These men were undeniably skilled in battle but their ability to violate military discipline was just as impressive. At first, Albrecht had attempted to enforce discipline, but after witnessing too many incidents, he simply gave up. He didn't even bother asking about the details anymore. “Lock them up for a day, then let their national representatives take them back,” he ordered dismissively. Deep down, Albrecht had already made up his mind. His troops could not remain stationed alongside the Russians. If they spent too much time together, they might pick up these bad habits, and that would be a big problem. Once the idea of splitting up the forces entered his mind, he couldn’t shake it. A voice in his head kept warning him: “Marching into battle with this undisciplined mess? These so-called ‘allies’ will be the death of us.”
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