At the military meeting, Albrecht stated, “Everyone is aware of the situation with the Ottomans. The vast borders of the Anatolian Peninsula will all become battlefields. Given the current circumstances, I have decided to divide our forces and launch multi-front, multi-point offensives to disrupt the enemy’s strategic deployment. Considering the language barriers and the difficulty of coordinated operations, for now, each nation’s forces will operate independently. Once the landings are complete, we will adjust based on the actual battlefield situation and cooperate accordingly. During the landing operations, the Austrian Navy will be responsible for transporting all allied troops and providing necessary fire support. The High Command will dispatch personnel to record military achievements, and everyone’s battlefield performance will serve as a reference for the post-war distribution of spoils. If anyone has any objections, speak now.” The announcement of dividing the troops came as a complete surprise, catching everyone off guard. Until this moment, the High Command had been focused on coordinating cooperation between the different nations, and Albrecht had not previously consulted anyone about this decision. This was not due to Albrecht acting autocratically, but rather because there were simply too many people attending the meeting. When too many voices are involved, intelligence tends to drop, and with representatives from four different nations—each considering their own national interests—their starting points were fundamentally different. Dragging everyone into a discussion would be nothing but a waste of time, with no real benefits. The Russian commander, Ivanov, was the first to speak. “Commander, I have no objections to dividing our forces, but how will logistics be managed?” Albrecht calmly replied, “The High Command will allocate supplies based on the number of troops in each unit. Before combat begins, supplies will be distributed directly to divisions. Once the landing operations commence, the High Command will distribute supplies to each nation’s headquarters, and you will be responsible for distributing them to your respective units. The High Command can transport supplies by sea to your designated ports, provided that you guarantee their security.” After a brief moment of thought, Ivanov responded, “On behalf of the Russian Empire, I support dividing the forces!” There was no other choice. On the battlefield, whoever controls logistics holds the real power. Albrecht was able to quickly subdue so many proud and battle-hardened officers not because of his impressive military record or overwhelming personal charisma, but because he controlled the coalition forces’ supply distribution. This was simply the reality of the situation. Among the four nations in the Anti-Turkish Coalition, only Austria had any real wealth. The other three were financially struggling. Montenegro and Greece were both small and impoverished. If they were expected to provide logistical support for the entire army, the frontline troops would starve. The Russians could provide some supplies. After the Russo-Prussian War, they still had a significant stockpile of strategic materials. However, the problem was that they couldn’t transport them quickly enough. With the coalition forces entirely dependent on Austria for logistics, Austria naturally held the greatest influence within the alliance. As the one in charge of supply distribution, Albrecht became the most powerful figure in Constantinople. The Russians had deployed 300,000 troops, so the decision to split forces didn’t affect them much. With such a large army, even if they had to face the Ottoman Empire alone, Ivanov wouldn’t be intimidated. The ones most affected by the decision were Montenegro and Greece. Independent command meant they would no longer be treated as cannon fodder, but it also increased the risk of total annihilation. Marching with the main coalition force meant doing the dirty and exhausting work, but at least they were allies. If things got dangerous, the Russians and Austrians wouldn’t just stand by and watch them get wiped out. For political reasons, if their forces suffered heavy losses, the High Command would likely pull them back to the rear for logistical duties. Even with few troops, they still represented their nations and were part of the “Four Pillars” of the Anti-Turkish Coalition. If their forces were completely wiped out, it would effectively mean the loss of an entire country. Militarily, the impact might not be significant, but politically, it would be greatly detrimental. Whether it was Greece or Montenegro, if one of them were wiped out, Albrecht, as the Supreme Commander, would be the first to take the blame. However, dividing forces changed everything. With each nation operating independently, each country was responsible for its own battles. Even if an entire army was lost, the political fallout would be much less severe. This was especially true for Montenegro. With only an enhanced regiment in the field, they faced the very real risk of complete annihilation if they weren’t careful. Marshal Maksim Terentyev of the Principality of Montenegro hurriedly asked, “Commander, how exactly will the battle plans be assigned?” The level of risk in splitting forces could be determined by looking at the assigned missions. Maksim Terentyev had already made up his mind. If the risk was too high, he would feign weakness. After all, Montenegro had no significant international reputation to uphold, so there was nothing to lose by playing it safe. This approach was deeply rooted in history and tradition. Since the 14th century, Montenegro had been locked in a relentless struggle against the Ottoman Empire, holding its ground for over 500 years despite its small size. Even though they seemed to fight the Ottomans every few years, most of their conflicts were guerrilla warfare. At the slightest disadvantage, they would retreat into the mountains. If they had fought to the death every time, their tiny population would have been wiped out centuries ago. Albrecht calmly responded, “The combat assignments will be based on the number of troops each nation has deployed. At present, I only have a preliminary draft. Detailed battle plans will be formulated by each nation’s command. For operational purposes, I plan to divide the battlefield into five major theaters: the Black Sea Theater, the Caucasus Theater, the Sea of Marmara Theater, the Mediterranean Theater, and the Middle Eastern Theater. As the names suggest, the Black Sea Theater will involve launching offensives along the Black Sea coast. Every Ottoman-controlled coastline on the Black Sea falls within the operational zone. Once the landings are complete, the offensive will push inland. The specific tactics and objectives will be determined by the theater command, and in principle, the High Command will not interfere. Given the current situation, the Russian forces will be responsible for the Black Sea and Caucasus Theaters, while the Austrian forces will take charge of the Middle Eastern, Mediterranean, and Sea of Marmara Theaters. The Montenegrin and Greek armies will temporarily serve as reserve forces and will be deployed as reinforcements based on battlefield developments.” There was nothing wrong with this arrangement. As long as the combat assignments for Russia and Austria were allocated, that was enough. As for Greece and Montenegro, Albrecht had never seriously considered them from the start. Politically, Austria needed Greece and Montenegro for appearances’ sake. Militarily, these two small nations were entirely dispensable. Their troop contributions were so insignificant that they weren’t even qualified to be cannon fodder. The battlefield was unpredictable. No one could guarantee that unforeseen events wouldn’t arise. Greece was at least somewhat passable, having two infantry divisions. But Montenegro? With just a reinforced regiment, the risk of complete annihilation was simply too high. Albrecht had no intention of earning a reputation for sacrificing allies. If these two tiny forces were wiped out, it would be difficult for him to explain himself afterward. This harsh reality left the representatives of Greece and Montenegro deeply wounded. It was a blatant dismissal of their military strength. Being labeled as a “reserve force” sounded respectable, but in truth, Russia and Austria would never deploy them unless absolutely necessary, as it would be a blow to their own prestige. Requesting reinforcements from Greece and Montenegro? What a joke! If Russia and Austria ever found themselves short on troops, they would simply send more of their own as nothing prevented them from reinforcing the front lines. Marshal Ivanov, pleased with the arrangement, responded, “No objections. This battle plan is highly reasonable and fully utilizes each of our strengths.” How could he not be satisfied? One of the Russian government’s primary motivations for joining the war was to seize control of the Black Sea coastline and keep Austria out of the region. Albrecht’s decision to assign the task of attacking the Black Sea coastline to the Russian army was, without a doubt, an implicit endorsement of this distribution of interests. Seeing that Russia and Austria had reached an agreement, Greek representative Marshal Publius’ expression changed drastically. Greece had joined this war to gain benefits. If they were relegated to the rear, what claim would they have to the spoils of war afterward? Neither Russia nor Austria was running a charity. Without contributions on the battlefield, Greece would naturally be excluded from any war gains. Forcing himself to remain composed, Publius spoke up and said, “Commander, leaving us in the rear seems somewhat inappropriate, don’t you think? We joined this war to seek justice against the Ottoman Empire. If the Greek army never even steps onto the battlefield, how am I supposed to justify this to the people back home?” Albrecht nodded, expressing his sympathy. “Alright then, once we’ve completed the landing operations, you’ll be responsible for clearing out the remaining Ottoman forces in the area.” Publius’ face darkened. This assignment was only slightly better than being left behind altogether. While “eliminating enemy remnants” sounded impressive, in reality, it was nothing more than a security operation. At best, they might capture a few guerrilla fighters. It was a thankless task, offering hard work but little glory. Worse, if things went wrong, they would have to take responsibility for the failure. After a moment of hesitation, Publius firmly requested combat duty, “Commander, the Greek army does not fear sacrifice, we want to fight on the battlefield.” Maksim thought about the terrifying consequences of the war ending while the Montenegrin army was still holed up at home, never having deployed and the scathing accusations that would follow from all sides. Maksim Terentyev then hurriedly followed up with a request. “Commander, the Montenegrin army is not afraid of war, we also want to go to the front lines.” It was clear that they had realized Albrecht did not intend to use them as cannon fodder. The main reason for not sending them to the battlefield was to avoid taking responsibility. As allies, if the Russian Empire suffered losses of more than a hundred thousands on the battlefield, no one would say Austria was setting up its allies for failure as they could afford such losses. But if it were Greece, casualties of 10,000 to 20,000 would be a severe blow. For Montenegro, casualties over a hundred would be devastating, and over a thousand would be a significant loss of strength. However, this level of casualty is quite normal on the battlefield and is impossible to completely avoid. After a moment of hesitation, Albrecht said with a half-smile, “Since both of you are so eager, then the Sea of Marmara Theater will be entrusted to you.” Clearly, Albrecht was not impressed by these two who were just making up the numbers. You want to fight? Fine, here’s a mission for you, and if you fail, you’ll bear the consequences. The Sea of Marmara Theater was located at the Black Sea Straits. In the last Near East War, this area was the first to fall and has not yet recovered. The terrain is flat, easy to attack but hard to defend. The Ottoman Empire has not deployed many troops here, making it the easiest place to achieve a breakthrough among the five major theaters. It’s not that Archduke Albrecht is setting them up. But on the battlefield, strength still matters. For Russia and Austria, the Sea of Marmara Theater is insignificant. However, for Greece and Montenegro, it remains a challenge. Seeing that the two had not responded, Albrecht added, “The Sea of Marmara Theater is not the focus of this war. There’s no need to end the battle immediately. You just need to tie down the enemy there. Once breakthroughs are made in other theaters, we can circle back and attack the enemy from behind, trapping them between our forces.” “The focus of the war?” Unfortunately, this war never really had a focal point. Albrecht’s strategy was to attack on all fronts. Wherever a breakthrough occurred, it could lead to victory. If the goal were to defeat the enemy outright, Publius would have had no confidence. Even if the Ottoman forces in the Sea of Marmara were relatively few, they still numbered over a hundred thousand. With Greece and Montenegro combined fielding fewer than 30,000 troops, Publius had no confidence in achieving victory against such overwhelming odds. However, if the objective was merely to pin down the enemy, he thought it might be feasible. After all, with naval superiority, they could always retreat if necessary. At worst, they could land elsewhere and continue the fight. As long as the battle never stopped, they could keep the Ottoman forces occupied. After a brief moment of hesitation, Publius responded, “No problem, we’ll complete the mission.” Seeing that the Greeks had agreed, Maksim Terentyev had no choice but to accept as well. At this point, backing out would leave them with no standing within the coalition. … Vienna Looking over the battle plan sent from the front lines, Franz was completely dumbfounded. This was a war of annihilation. The Ottomans were bound to resist fiercely, and heavy casualties were inevitable. The purpose of forming the Anti-Turkish Coalition was not just to share international pressure but, more importantly, to bring in cannon fodder. Now, with this sudden shift to a strategy of splitting forces, all of Franz’s prior preparations had essentially gone to waste. As a self-aware military novice, Franz didn’t think his strategic insight was superior to that of his commanders in the field. After reading Albrecht’s list of 18 disadvantages of joint operations, Franz decisively approved the new battle plan.
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Hmm, I might start re-reading this ad making simple maps to show how Austria/Other countries changed.
ReplyDeleteThat would really be helpful
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