Holy Roman Empire Chapter 755 - The Fall of the Paris Commune

        

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        As the sun set in the west, the evening glow bathed the land in a shimmering red light.         The sounds of artillery in Paris had already faded. Government forces had entered the city, though sporadic gunfire could still be heard and were perhaps the final, defiant cries of the revolutionaries.         Returning to the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV felt a deep turmoil within him. The once magnificent palace now lay in ruins, reduced to nothing more than broken walls and scattered debris.         To Napoleon IV, Versailles was more than just a palace, it was the place where he was born and raised. Now, in an instant, his home was gone. Only those who have experienced such a loss could truly understand the pain.         Perhaps out of sheer vengeance, the French revolutionary government had destroyed this symbol of royal authority before their downfall, as if trying to declare an unending hatred between the two sides.         In a way, they had succeeded. The Palace of Versailles was not just an opulent building, it was an emblem of the French monarchy. Its destruction was not merely the loss of a palace but an assault on the very dignity of royal supremacy.         Napoleon IV, his face pale, asked in a trembling voice, “Have the rebel leaders been captured?”         At this moment, only one thought consumed him—to hunt down those who had destroyed his “home” and crush them to dust to appease his burning anger.         The Minister of Police, Ansocci, replied uneasily, “Not yet. It is said that on the third day of our offensive, the rebel leaders had already fled.”         The swift fall of Paris was directly tied to the fact that its revolutionary leaders had abandoned it and run away.         This was Paris, a city filled with buildings that made government forces hesitate to advance. Heavy artillery was almost unusable for fear of destruction.         Had the revolutionaries not lost their leadership, and had the remaining forces coordinated their resistance, the “Battle of Paris” could have easily lasted one or two more months. If they had fought more tenaciously, they might have even held out for a year or more.         Yet, in the face of harsh reality, good upbringing meant nothing.         Consumed by rage, Napoleon IV roared, “You haven’t captured them, and you’re still standing here? Get out and bring me those rebel leaders! If you can’t, don’t bother coming back!”         Only one thought echoed in Minister of Police Ansocci’s mind: “Settling scores after the autumn harvest.”         As the head of police, Ansocci bore direct responsibility for allowing this nationwide revolution to spiral out of control. Like in past uprisings, had law enforcement been more effective, the situation might never have reached such a disastrous state.         However, the inefficiency of the police was a deep-rooted issue in France. Blaming the Minister of Police alone was unfair, but the world was never fair, and Ansocci had no choice but to take the fall.         There were many reasons for the police force’s failure, but Napoleon IV could not change the nation's political landscape overnight. Even if he replaced the entire police system, the fundamental issues would remain.         Before reclaiming Paris, unity was essential. No matter how much dissatisfaction he harbored, Napoleon IV had to suppress it.         Under normal circumstances, he would have waited for domestic stability before settling scores. But the destruction of Versailles had pushed him over the edge, causing his anger to erupt ahead of schedule.         Ansocci hesitated, but in the end, he said nothing. Any explanation would only sound like an excuse. What had happened had already happened. No matter the reasons behind it, he could not escape responsibility.         The order to capture the rebel leaders was merely a pretext for his resignation. If the French police had been that effective, the revolutionaries would have been wiped out long ago.         “Yes, Your Majesty!”         With those words, Ansocci turned and left without looking back.         As they watched the figure fade into the distance, a heaviness settled in the hearts of the crowd, and a pang of shared sorrow rose within them—akin to the fox mourning the hare’s demise.         Someone had to take the blame for the rebellion. With the chaos that had unfolded, someone of sufficient rank needed to bear responsibility, and that person certainly could not be the emperor.         Napoleon IV was not yet thirty and had no heir. If he were to take responsibility by abdicating, the Bonaparte dynasty would be finished.         A single Minister of Police was not enough to satisfy public outrage. Yet, Napoleon IV had not appointed a prime minister, which only added to the uncertainty surrounding the situation.         Sensing the growing tension in the room, Minister of Foreign Affairs Terence Bourgin, who bore little responsibility for the crisis, broke the silence.         “Your Majesty, it is already late. Perhaps we should first settle in for the night.”         The Palace of Versailles had been reduced to ruins, and rebuilding it in the short term was impossible. The emperor would need a new residence.         …         Napoleon IV was still searching for a new residence when the British could no longer sit still. Seeing that the French government had suppressed the Paris uprising, the British government was eager to intervene in the Near East War.         During a cabinet meeting, Foreign Secretary George spoke first, “The Paris rebellion has been crushed, and France has stabilized. The Italian independence movement won’t last much longer either.         Next, our diplomatic focus must shift to the Near East War. Based on the current situation, the Ottomans are performing quite well.         Despite being attacked on multiple fronts by the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, they have managed to retreat in an organized manner, which has exceeded our initial expectations.         I propose increasing our aid to the Ottoman government, helping them withstand the first wave of offensives from the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, and thwarting Austria’s scheme.”         Prime Minister Gladstone furrowed his brow and asked in disbelief, “My dear Foreign Secretary, are you certain about what you just said? Do you truly believe that the Ottomans, with their current strength, can hold back the Anti-Ottoman offensive?”         Gladstone completely ignored the phrase “first wave of offensives” and instead focused solely on “offensive.” In his view, for the Ottomans to merely survive against the combined assault of two great empires would already be an impressive feat.         Foreign Secretary George, however, responded with confidence. “I am certain. The reports from our embassy confirm this.         The Ottomans are putting up fierce resistance. At this point, the entire nation is mobilized, and the Anti-Ottoman Coalition is struggling to advance.         Along the shores of the Sea of Marmara, Ottoman forces have even managed to defeat the coalition several times, securing significant victories.         Given the current situation, as long as they have sufficient supplies, the Ottoman Empire could hold out for another two to three years.         That should be enough time for the French to regain their strength.         By then, we can unite with other European nations to pressure Austria into abandoning its plan to annex the Ottomans. This is a strategy with a high chance of success.         And even if that fails, we can still force Austria to accept the unification of the German Federal Empire and Prussia into North Germany.”         When it came to maintaining the balance of power in Europe, the British Foreign Office had always been at the forefront. It consistently upheld the fine tradition of “suppressing whichever country became the strongest on the European continent.”         After hesitating for a moment, Gladstone waved his hand and said, “Since you are so confident, go ahead and give it a try.         I hope your plan goes smoothly, and I look forward to hearing good news.         However, when it comes to aiding the Ottoman Empire, we must proceed with caution. We need to consider the sunk costs.”         Despite his lack of confidence, this did not prevent Gladstone from approving the plan. The British Empire was wealthy, and providing some supplies was hardly an issue.         As long as every 10,000 bullets could wound or kill a single Austrian soldier, the British government would consider it a great bargain.

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