As the Near East War reached its climax, the French Civil War was also nearing its end. Since Britain had stepped in to mediate the conflicts among the three major royalist factions, internal discord had been greatly reduced, and the monarchist forces had gained an absolute advantage over the revolutionaries. The revolutionary government’s controlled territory had been compressed into the confines of Paris. Though the city was the heart of France, it could not withstand the turmoil of war. After Napoleon IV imposed a blockade on Paris, the revolutionary government found itself increasingly isolated and soon fell into a dire shortage of supplies. Despite having numerous factories, it lacked sufficient industrial raw materials. Even though the revolutionary government implemented emergency measures to ration resources, it was ultimately unsustainable. Aside from the Italian independence movement, which was still struggling on as an “ally,” revolutionary uprisings in other parts of France had largely been crushed by Napoleon IV. On June 29, 1882, government forces defeated the main revolutionary army in the outskirts of Paris, making the situation even clearer. … The shifting tides of the French situation had drawn Franz’s keen attention. While later generations may mock the French for their blunders, at this point in history, they were still the formidable French Empire. At the Vienna Palace, Foreign Minister Wessenberg analyzed, “Judging from the current situation, the French revolutionary government won’t be able to hold out for much longer under the counteroffensive of the government forces. Once the Paris revolution is crushed, the Italian independence movement won’t last much longer either, especially after both we and the British withdraw our support. With their internal turmoil resolved, the French will once again turn their attention to international affairs. On the Near East issue, Britain and France are likely to stand on the same side. With an additional ally, the British government will probably become much less restrained in the days ahead. In order to ensure that everything is foolproof, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs suggests intensifying the offensive against the Ottomans, aiming to destroy them before Britain and France can take action, thus creating a fait accompli.” Franz shook his head and said, “That would be very difficult. A centuries-old empire, when faced with life or death, can unleash an astonishing amount of potential. Once the French revolutionary government falls, Napoleon IV will be able to concentrate his forces on suppressing the Italian independence movement. It would already be a miracle if that ragtag group manages to hold out for two months. This revolution has indeed inflicted heavy losses on France, but crises also bring opportunities. Through this civil war, Napoleon IV has eliminated not just his direct enemies but has also eased tensions with the Orléans and Bourbon dynasties, thereby indirectly solidifying his rule. If handled properly, the coming period could be the most internally stable time for France in years. Under such circumstances, in about a year, the Napoleon IV government will likely have fully stabilized and will once again turn its gaze outward. We may have the ability to destroy the Ottoman Empire within a year, but it would leave a multitude of long-term consequences. The costs of governance in the aftermath would be even greater.” From a purely military perspective, speed is of the essence as ending the war as quickly as possible minimizes the cost. However, Austria’s goal this time is not merely to defeat the Ottomans but to annex them. Albrecht deliberately slowed the pace of the coalition army’s advance, giving the Ottoman Empire ample time to prepare. This was not because he lacked military knowledge. While a swift and decisive battle can indeed minimize losses, the reduced casualties on both sides may leave behind a multitude of adherents of the old order in the aftermath of the war. Rather than dealing with guerrilla resistance after the war, it would be more efficient to allow the enemy to fully mobilize and then eliminate them on the battlefield. The overall cost would be lower. The more people the Ottoman government arms, the fewer hidden threats will remain in the provinces after the war. Once they take up arms, they are enemies. When the post-war purge comes, collective punishment can be implemented where entire families can be exiled together. That is why, from the very beginning, Franz had set a long-term war plan. In any case, the economic crisis this time was profound and would not be resolved in the short term, so the war could be used to divert attention from the crisis. Chancellor Felix reminded him, “Your Majesty, if the French manage to recover, our plan to annex the Ottomans may not go so smoothly.” Franz nodded and said, “That is inevitable. However, no matter how bad things get, Britain and France would never go so far as to intervene militarily. France’s situation is far from stable. Even if Napoleon IV manages to suppress the internal rebellion, he wouldn’t dare provoke a war at this time. With the Anti-Ottoman Coalition helping to share the international pressure, we can withstand any diplomatic pressure from Britain, France, or even a coalition of European powers.” Of course, the consequences wouldn’t be that simple. This conflict would undoubtedly push Britain and France closer together. But that was only a matter of time. Even without the Near East War, Britain and France would naturally align as Austria grew stronger. The balance of power in Europe was a fundamental policy of the British government. With France’s weakness now fully exposed, that balance had already been disrupted. As a result, Austria would naturally become Britain’s next target for suppression. They might even try to rope in Russia to form an anti-Austrian alliance to suppress Austria’s expansion. Given geopolitical realities, the ambitious Russian Bear had a high probability of siding with Britain and France. Since that was the case, Franz had to strike first and eliminate the Ottoman Empire before Britain, France, and Russia had fully adjusted their strategic positions. If possible, Franz wouldn’t mind going a step further, bringing Russia in to partition Persia and becoming Britain’s direct neighbor. When it came to national interests, anything was possible. For the cash-strapped Russian government, the lure of India was just as strong as expanding westward into Europe. This was clearly a conspiracy. Compared to the power struggles in continental Europe, advancing into India was clearly a lower-risk move. The former meant facing off against all of Europe, while the latter required dealing with only one opponent: John Bull. As long as Russia was drawn into India, the possibility of a Britain-France-Russia alliance would collapse entirely. The British would never be willing to divide their own interests with their allies. Without Russia as a meat shield, Franz had no fear of facing a British-French alliance. An Austrian Empire that spanned Europe, Asia, and Africa was destined to be invincible. … Outside the city of Paris, the banner of House Bonaparte had already begun to wave in the wind. At this moment, Napoleon IV was at the front lines, rallying his troops. It has not been easy. As the ruler of France, his greatest enemy had always been revolution. From Louis XVI, who was sent to the guillotine, to Louis Philippe I, who fled in panic, two dynasties had already been overthrown by revolution. To be honest, when the Paris uprising first broke out, Napoleon IV was completely bewildered. If not for his refusal to admit defeat, he might have been persuaded by the empress to flee France and escape this political maelstrom. But because he was unwilling to give up, he chose to stay and that was why today’s counteroffensive was possible. Just from this alone, he was already far superior to Louis Philippe I. The French people were passionate about revolution, but that passion came quickly and faded just as fast. The moment they realized the revolution was harming their own interests, they would abandon it without hesitation. This revolution was a perfect example. Along the way, Napoleon IV had already granted amnesty to more than five figures’ worth of revolutionaries. The revolutionary tide quickly receded as the people realized that the revolution did not bring them any real benefits. The citizens of Paris felt this most deeply. Affected by the economic crisis, their standard of living had plummeted, and some could barely even fill their stomachs and that was why they had risen up in revolution in the first place. But after the revolution succeeded, they suddenly found that, aside from driving out the emperor, their living conditions had not improved. In fact, for most, life had only gotten worse. The newly established revolutionary government had no experience in governance. Orders were issued chaotically and often contradicted each other, making life unbearable for the people. But none of this was the true cause of the revolution’s failure. The real mistake was that the revolutionaries had failed to go on the offensive immediately and spread the flames of revolution. Instead, they had rushed to establish a government and fight for power, missing their best opportunity. Of course, the revolutionary government could hardly be blamed entirely. It had been misled by the successes of its predecessors. During the First and Second Republics, once the revolution in Paris succeeded, the rest of the country quickly followed suit. There had never been a need to fight their way across France. This mistaken belief led them to overlook one crucial difference: House Bonaparte was not like the previous two hated regimes. It had a solid base of support among the peasantry and was not without influence in the provinces. Thanks to a series of policies implemented by Napoleon III, most French workers still had a favorable impression of the emperor. In many regions, the uprisings had been driven by unemployment, inflation, and soaring prices. People had lost their income and could not afford to eat. They had not revolted specifically to overthrow the emperor. The reason Napoleon IV was able to advance so quickly to the outskirts of Paris was not due to extraordinary military prowess, it was simply because he had the money to provide relief for the unemployed, while the revolutionary government did not. The roar of artillery fire erupted and the battle for Paris had officially begun. Napoleon IV raised his binoculars and gazed at the battlefield. Before his eyes, thick columns of smoke rose into the sky. The chief of the guard hurriedly urged, “Your Majesty, this place is dangerous. Please take shelter in the artillery bunker!” Napoleon IV waved his hand dismissively. “Don’t worry, Germain. We are at least five or six kilometers from the battlefield. The enemy’s artillery won’t reach us so easily.” Germain had opposed the emperor coming to the front lines in the first place. Seeing this, his anxiety only deepened. If the emperor were to be injured, the consequences would be dire. After hesitating for a moment, Germain steeled himself and directly grabbed Napoleon IV…
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