The Netherlands was being forced to choose a side, and the Nordic Federation was not in a much better position. Although its foundations were somewhat stronger, that strength depended entirely on who it was compared against. All the continental European states had already been pulled onto the Holy Roman Empire’s war chariot. Even if the Nordic Federation alone managed to maintain neutrality, it would still have to consider postwar reckoning! The idea of retreating into the mountains to wage guerrilla warfare was nothing more than talk. No one in their right mind would abandon a comfortable life to hide in remote mountain valleys. Besides, even if one wanted to flee into the mountains, there had to be mountains to flee into in the first place. Norway and Sweden did possess terrain suitable for fighting a war of attrition, relying on geography to resist step by step. Denmark, however, did not. The flat plains of the Jutland Peninsula offered no conditions for long term defense at all. One only had to look at the Second World War for reference, where fighting there ended in just four hours. That example might sound exaggerated, but facts were facts. Even accounting for other contributing factors, the outcome itself could not be denied. In fact, the current situation was even worse than in the original timeline. At least back then, the European battlefield still had the Soviet Union holding the line. Although the anti-German alliance was at a disadvantage, its overall national strength remained superior. Now things were entirely different. At this moment, the European continent was filled almost entirely with members of the anti-British alliance. The sight alone was enough to inspire dread, let alone the prospect of confronting it. Faced with the Holy Roman Empire’s final ultimatum, the central government of the Nordic Federation had yet to make a final decision when the Danes effectively made the choice for them. There was no alternative. Reality had forced their hand. For the Nordic Federation, the threat posed by the Holy Roman Empire was clearly far greater than that posed by Britain. As a minor power on the European continent, the Nordic Federation was not weak in terms of territory or military strength. There was only one factor preventing it from becoming a true great power, its lack of population. Nearly nine hundred thousand square kilometers of land were home to fewer than ten million people. Such demographics were simply insufficient to sustain great power status. This was also one of the reasons the Nordic Federation was eager to reclaim Finland. Although the Grand Duchy of Finland under Russian rule was not particularly prosperous economically, it could add several million people. For the Nordic Federation, that alone was of enormous significance. If the Nordic Federation had a population of twenty to thirty million, it would not be in such a passive position. The Holy Roman government could coerce a minor state into choosing sides, but when dealing with a great power, its preference was still persuasion rather than pressure. Unfortunately, reality offered no such hypothetical. The harsh climate had long constrained population growth. After all, not every person possessed the same resilience as the Russians, who maintained high birth rates even in a frozen land of snow and ice. Nordic society, by contrast, was notably indifferent toward childbirth. Its population base was already small, birth rates had lagged behind the global average for years, and population outflow remained severe. Demographics limited the strength of the Nordic Federation. When facing a behemoth like the Holy Roman Empire, it naturally lacked confidence. … London. As war clouds gathered over southern Africa, Britain had no time to react before being struck by the bad news of one country after another choosing sides. Events were unfolding far too quickly, leaving no room to catch one’s breath. Just a week earlier, the most fashionable slogans across Europe had been “anti-war” and the “neutrality movement.” With the exception of Russia and Austria, every continental European state had joined the anti-war movement, with opposition to war reaching a fever pitch. In order to avoid being dragged into conflict, the countries had even agreed to convene an international conference in Madrid after Christmas to form a “Neutral Front”. Such enthusiasm did not arise on its own. The British government had actively encouraged it. The principle that the law does not punish the many applied not only to individuals, but equally to international politics. With all of Europe involved, no matter how powerful the Holy Roman Empire was, it could not realistically pursue the issue relentlessly. From Britain’s perspective, if it could not pull these countries into its camp, keeping them neutral was still an acceptable outcome. To reinforce their commitment to neutrality, the British government had even considered abandoning a comprehensive blockade of the European continent, restricting it instead solely to the Holy Roman Empire. Reality proved that this was overthinking the problem. Fence-sitters were always fence-sitters. Expecting them to stand upright in a gale was simply unrealistic. Although the neutrality movement had been initiated by the Dutch, the loudest voices were not in The Hague. Instead, Belgium, Sardinia, and similar states proved to be the most aggressive in their rhetoric. Putting himself in their position, Campbell believed that these countries had all suffered the hardships of war, and that opposition to war was therefore only natural. Reality, however, was almost comical. The louder their anti-war rhetoric had been earlier, the faster they rushed to choose sides afterward. No sooner had news of the military clash in southern Africa arrived than the various governments hurried to pledge loyalty to the Holy Roman Empire, leaving the British government no time to respond. Before anyone had even figured out what was happening, a massive “anti-British alliance” encompassing the entire European continent had already taken shape. Although some of the countries were swept in against their will and had no genuine desire to take part in the turmoil, the final outcome was the same. They were all involved. “Standing alone against the European continent,” a line the Foreign Office had once used merely as a scare tactic to persuade Parliament to fund the continental balance policy, had unexpectedly come true. Foreign Secretary Adam spoke with indignation written all over his face: “We have been played by the European powers. They were colluding with the Holy Roman Empire all along. The earlier anti-war movement was nothing more than a smokescreen, meant to lower our guard while they coordinated behind the scenes. I propose that we take immediate action and launch comprehensive retaliation, to show them that Great Britain is not to be trifled with...” His anger was understandable. Adam’s political career was already finished, and now this catastrophe had struck on top of everything else. “The worst Foreign Secretary in the history of the British Empire” was no longer just a possibility. The title was all but secured. There were no predecessors before him, and it was doubtful there would be successors after him. The chances of being surpassed by future failures were slim. Britain’s hegemony existed only once in history, and once it fell, the British Isles alone would never be sufficient to reclaim it. Barring unforeseen circumstances, the name Adam Wingard would be etched permanently into British history as a cautionary tale. Of course, Adam was not the only unfortunate soul. With a disaster of this magnitude, every cabinet member present was implicated. Not a single one would escape responsibility. As the saying went, chaos before the event and perfect hindsight afterward. With the international situation changing so violently, actions that had once seemed correct were now treated as unforgivable mistakes. Campbell interrupted him: “Sir, there is no point in saying any of this now. Prepare yourselves to face questioning from the members of Parliament. Those gentlemen will not concern themselves with practical realities. All they will see is that more than a dozen countries were secretly coordinating an anti-British plot, and that we knew absolutely nothing about an affair of this magnitude. That said, there is no need to worry. Before our terms expire, no one will be eager to take our jobs. Faced with this mess, they will be doing everything they can to avoid it. No one would willingly step forward to clean it up.” Anyone could play the role of the wise man after the fact. As Prime Minister Campbell had pointed out, more than a dozen countries had conspired against Britain. How could the government have known nothing in advance? Some would even dig into the core of the issue, applying layers of political analysis to interpret the deeper logic behind the events. For example, the Holy Roman Empire had helped Belgium restore its statehood. The Italian states had been liberated by the Holy Roman Empire itself. The Holy Roman Empire had supported Spain in reclaiming its lost territories. Favors incurred always had to be repaid, especially those owed to a great power. Such debts could not be ignored. Now the time had come to settle accounts, and there was nothing unreasonable about these countries siding with the Holy Roman Empire. If even ordinary people could see this logic, then the government’s complete lack of foreknowledge could only be described as dereliction of duty. Had this happened at a different time, it would have been more than enough to bring down the entire Campbell cabinet. The reason they were allowed to remain in office was not mercy, but the simple fact that no one wanted to take over such a disaster. Chancellor of the Exchequer Asquith spoke up: “Prime Minister, I believe the core issue now is not what has already happened. We must look ahead. The emergence of an anti-British alliance signals that war has entered its final countdown. Our immediate priority must be finding a way to win this war. For example, we could first stabilize the morale of our allies and convince them that final victory will belong to us. Or we could strike first and catch the enemy off guard.” There was no choice. The Foreign Secretary had clearly been shaken and was in no condition to think clearly. Someone had to step in and remind the cabinet of what came next. Prime Minister Campbell replied, “I have already submitted the outline of our operational plan to His Majesty. Because the plan has its flaws, His Majesty is not satisfied with it. In particular, it lacks any concrete proposal for striking at the core of the Holy Roman Empire. It consists only of measures aimed at the enemy’s periphery…”
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