The steadily deteriorating situation pushed Britain to the edge of a cliff. Like a gazelle leaping across a chasm, success meant open skies and vast horizons, while failure meant utter destruction. Although the wave of anti-war sentiment in Europe had yet to subside, it did not prevent governments from choosing sides. When faced with a choice between the Holy Roman Empire and Britain, supporting the former was entirely reasonable. Even if a nationwide referendum were held, the outcome would not be any different. After all, for the moment this was merely political support, not an immediate commitment to send troops into battle. War had not yet broken out, and governments still had time to shape public opinion. Doing so was hardly difficult. One only needed to open a history book, which offered no shortage of reasons for beating Britain. Moreover, even if war did erupt, most countries would only participate symbolically. No one expected them to fight to exhaustion. The times were changing, and technology was advancing. If the Holy Roman government needed cannon fodder against Britain, ordinary countries were not even qualified for the role. In land warfare, apart from the Russians, other countries would be more of a hindrance than a help, even if they wished to participate. Naval warfare required even less discussion. If the Holy Roman Empire’s navy could not defeat Britain, then adding the fleets of other countries would not change the outcome. The arrival of the dreadnought era had completely widened the gap between major naval powers. Ironclads of only a few thousand tons had no practical value. Their only contribution would be to inflate the enemy’s victory tally. If numbers were to matter at all, ships had to be battleships of at least ten thousand tons to be worth deploying. This was especially true given that the various national fleets were scattered across different regions. With the exception of Mediterranean countries, most navies could not be assembled quickly. Besides, the British were not fools. They would never give the anti-British alliance the time needed to gather its forces. One only had to recall how the Royal Navy had once defeated the Spanish Armada through sheer numerical pressure to know that such lessons would not be forgotten. That said, even without assembling their fleets, the mere existence of those navies still posed a threat to Britain. Fortunately, the anti-British alliance was far from united. Otherwise, no matter how powerful the Royal Navy might be, it would already be stretched to its limits. In practice, what most countries could truly contribute was likely no more than a symbolic gesture, perhaps the dispatch of a few aircraft to take part in operations against Britain. Either their luck would run out, with the homeland or overseas colonies turning into battlefields and forcing them into the war, or they could wait until the later stages of the conflict and join in a landing operation against the British Isles, taking the chance to beat a fallen opponent. In reality, the greatest value of each country’s participation in the anti-British alliance did not lie in military contributions, but rather in political and economic ones. Once the alliance was formed, Britain found itself facing the entire European continent. The gap in economic and industrial strength between the two sides was instantly widened by four or five times. There was no need to look further than warship construction to see this clearly. With a certain degree of technical support from the Holy Roman government, shipyards in Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, and other countries were also capable of building super battleships. No matter how far a traditional naval power had declined, a rotten ship still had some iron nails left. At the very least, their domestic shipbuilding systems had been preserved, and they still retained a pool of skilled personnel. All of these were usable resources. The only difficulty lay in integrating them, but that was a minor problem. As long as interests were properly negotiated, nothing was insurmountable. In fact, the Holy Roman government had already begun moving in this direction. Whether technology should be spread or not was no longer important. As long as the Royal Navy could be defeated, it would not matter even if shipbuilding technology became widely available. Naval power was not determined by technology alone, but even more by financial strength. The Russian Empire, a close ally of Austria, was a typical example. They had imported technology from the Holy Roman Empire more than once, only to be undermined either by their own bureaucracy or by chronic fiscal weakness. Other countries were no better off. Even those with substantial wealth were constrained by their limited scale, which capped how much they could actually invest in armaments. And did anyone really believe that building a navy only required money and technology? If it were that simple, the Middle East in later generations would already be crowded with naval powers. Perhaps the early stages of naval development could be managed that way, but as things progressed, far more demanding tests emerged. Without a complete supporting industrial system, even established naval powers could only bow out in disappointment. The sudden upheaval in the international situation left the British utterly stunned, and the general public was even slower to react. Ordinary people could not keep up with the pace, and even experts and scholars were completely at a loss, unable to understand what had happened. That weaker states would be forced to choose sides was something everyone could accept. But such rapid and perfectly synchronized alignment was still difficult to process. “Premeditated collusion?” That explanation might be enough to fool ordinary people, but anyone with even a basic understanding of politics knows that coordinating more than a dozen countries simultaneously, without a single leak, is almost impossible. The reason is simple. Within every government there are pro-Holy Roman Empire factions, and there are also pro-British factions. Even in authoritarian states, a decision of such magnitude as choosing sides has to be discussed. Even if the discussion is confined to a small circle, with a dozen people involved in each country, the number of insiders would still reach several hundred. No matter how important a secret is, once too many people know it, it stops being a secret. Where there are people, there are factions. You cannot expect every insider to keep their mouth shut, especially when interests are involved. Among so many insiders, there are bound to be representatives of various interest groups. Knowing it in advance would be a huge business opportunity. Whether through stockpiling goods, manipulating prices, or buying and dumping assets affected by the war, signs would inevitably appear in the futures and stock markets ahead of time. As soon as there was unusual activity anywhere, it would become a telltale flaw and naturally alert the British. So how could it be done? How could the continental powers complete a round of coordination without leaving a single trace? That became a question attracting worldwide attention. … External speculation, however, was never going to have an answer. Because there was no answer. From beginning to end, there was no prior secret coordination at all. Although the “neutrality movement” was first raised by the Dutch, it was the Holy Roman government that pushed it to its peak. Without a signal from the Holy Roman government, why would small states like Belgium, Sardinia, and Lucca dare to get involved? Not only outsiders, but even many of the parties involved were confused when they received the signal. Even though they did not understand what the leader was really planning, instructions still had to be carried out. The justifications were ready made. Whether in the name of national interests or personal political interests, everyone had ample reasons to oppose the war. The transformation of pro-Austrian factions into anti-war factions naturally attracted British attention. Some individuals even leaked the information to the British. The British government did indeed take notice, but the problem was that they simply could not make sense of it. Similar maneuvers by the Holy Roman government were not unprecedented. There were cases from decades ago whose motives still had not been deciphered. Some even suspected that there had never been any real motive at all, and that the Holy Roman government had simply acted irrationally on a whim. This explanation was the most convincing, because every government has moments of irrationality. The British government itself was a prime example. Every few administrations, an eccentric government would emerge and engage in baffling, inexplicable behavior. The Holy Roman government’s active promotion of the neutrality movement, as seen through the eyes of British bureaucrats, was simply domestic opposition forces stirring up trouble in an attempt to block the coming war. This was something they had experienced many times before. Whenever Britain attempted to launch a foreign war, a group of anti-war activists would always emerge to cause disruptions. The only difference was the scale of the commotion. The British could afford not to take it seriously, but the European governments directly involved could not. Only by personally participating in the so-called neutrality movement did everyone come to realize just how unreliable it was. No matter how loudly the slogans were shouted, the moment concrete issues were involved, everything immediately fell apart. They had agreed to form a “neutral alliance” and jointly bear the pressure from the two hegemonic powers, yet when the decisive moment arrived, not a single country was willing to take the lead. The Russian Empire, once viewed as the greatest hope, openly stated, “We have the Russo-Austrian Alliance. Most of the clauses in the neutral alliance conflict with that treaty, so we cannot participate.” If that still was not enough to wake people up, then the behavior of the other countries that followed was truly despair inducing. After the Russian Empire, the next country with the standing to organize a neutral alliance was Spain. Unfortunately, the Spanish government was just as slippery, producing the long standing Austro-Spanish Port Agreement. The specific contents were not made public. Other states were merely told to look at how the Holy Roman government had acted during the Philippine War. In short, launching a neutrality movement was acceptable, and Spain was even willing to provide a venue for meetings, but taking the lead in formally concluding an alliance was out of the question. When all the major powers were constrained by their existing treaties and unable to organize the alliance, that left only the smaller states to step forward. With a try it and see mindset, everyone once again pushed the Netherlands forward. Although its own strength was limited, as the initiator of the neutrality movement it was at least nominally reasonable for the Dutch to organize it. Unfortunately, the Dutch government was not foolish either. If major powers like Spain and Russia were unwilling to step forward as the standard bearer, what right did a small country like the Netherlands have to take the lead? Being the leader was not some glamorous role. It was a position that attracted hostility, and afterward one would certainly face retaliation from the Holy Roman Empire. It was just like the coalition of the eighteen lords against Dong Zhuo. Yuan Shao became the alliance leader, full of prestige, and the powerful Yuan Clan was the first to be taken out and sacrificed. Once everyone realized that neutrality was unreliable, the only option left was to take sides. Since they had to choose anyway, why not sell themselves at a good price? At this point, negotiating terms was meaningless. No matter how many promises were made, they were all empty checks. Whether they would be honored, and to what extent, ultimately depended on the Holy Roman government. Based on the experience of the anti-French war, everyone understood the Holy Roman Empire’s rules for dividing the spoils. In short, those who contributed more received more, and those who declared their position earlier received more. Of course, even after choosing sides, everyone still had to consider Britain’s reaction. The Royal Navy was still formidable, and no one could guarantee that Britain would definitely be dragged down this time. Under such circumstances, the first country to declare its position would attract the deepest resentment and would inevitably bear the brunt of retaliation in the future. Even with the Holy Roman Empire backing them, not every country had the capacity to withstand such backlash. Fortunately, the thick-skinned and resilient Russians were not afraid of British retaliation. The Russian government was the first to step forward and take a clear position, resolving this concern for everyone else. No one dared to seize first place, but everyone rushed for second place together. The countries’ alignment was both accidental and inevitable, and in the process they unintentionally created yet another unsolved mystery of world history. There was no need to explain it. Let it be misunderstood if it must be. Letting the British fall amid frustration was not such a bad outcome. Perhaps decades later, this would even become supporting evidence for Emperor Franz being a chosen one, a man of destiny, selected by God. In fact, such claims had already appeared. Religious circles in particular had long concluded that Franz was a man favored by God. The reasoning was simple. He had recovered the Holy Land from heretics, and thus earned divine favor. The revival of the Holy Roman Empire was likewise interpreted as the result of divine favor. Even the decline of France was given a compelling explanation by religious circles: collusion with heretics had brought down God’s punishment. If this line of reasoning holds true, then Britain’s misfortune should be next. Looking from the other direction, if Britain were to decline, that would once again confirm the theory. If the British managed to withstand this shock, the same people would probably say it was merely a test from God. As long as faith remained steadfast, victory would surely come next time. There was nothing wrong with that logic. No matter how deep the foundations of the British Empire might be, it could not change the reality that Britain was now falling behind. Surviving one such challenge would already be an impressive feat. Facing a second one, Britain would certainly be unable to endure it. It had to be admitted that the preachers knew their craft well. No matter how events unfolded, they always had a perfectly reasonable explanation. … Setting down the newspaper in his hand, Franz looked at the snowflakes drifting past the window and asked his son without turning around, “Have the British still not declared war?” Although the later the war broke out, the more advantageous it would be for the Holy Roman Empire, the anti-British alliance was already close to full formation. Britain, cast as the great villain, was still refusing to step onto the stage, which made the situation rather awkward. If not for the need to shift responsibility for triggering the war onto Britain, Franz would almost have preferred to declare war first himself, simply to avoid the anxiety of waiting. “Not yet.” From Frederick’s helpless expression, it was obvious that this was far from the first time Franz had asked the question. Perhaps because of advancing age, Franz’s temperament had become increasingly difficult to read. After a brief pause, Frederick continued, “According to our intelligence, the British Parliament is still mired in endless arguments. At yesterday morning’s session, a dispute between two members even escalated into a large-scale brawl. Three members were hospitalized with serious injuries. It is said that Edward VII rushed to the scene in anger and reprimanded Parliament, warning that if fighting broke out again, those involved would be stripped of their seats. Judging by this, the reactions of the European countries seem to have frightened them. The momentum of the British pro-war faction has noticeably declined in recent days.” Unlike in later generations, when members of Parliament would dare to seize the Queen’s mace, the British monarch of this era still possessed real authority. The dismissal of members of Parliament, something later monarchs would not even dare to contemplate, was at least a possibility in this period. Of course, it was only a possibility. If it were actually carried out, the king would almost certainly face fierce retaliation from Parliament. The core problem was that Britain had very few legal provisions restricting the behavior of members of Parliament. Under normal rules and procedures, it was difficult to impose effective constraints on them. There was no alternative. Laws required parliamentary approval in order to pass. Statutes intended to regulate and restrain their own conduct were naturally impossible to push through. By comparison, the Holy Roman Empire was in a much better position. Franz had taken action early, putting in place a whole array of decrees restricting parliamentary behavior. Even revisions or repeals of those decrees required members to recuse themselves, leaving them with no right to participate at all. Had this happened in the Holy Roman Empire, the members involved in fighting would not only have lost their seats, but would already be reflecting on their actions in prison. Deliberately provoking trouble, engaging in group brawls, and disrupting parliamentary order did not fall within the scope of legal immunity. These minor issues, however, were not what Franz was focused on at the moment. What truly caught his attention was the waning momentum of the British pro-war faction. Victorian era Britain was no pushover. Confrontations with the European continent had happened before. To say they had backed down simply because they were frightened was clearly unconvincing. Even though the Holy Roman Empire’s regular forces had not moved, fighting had already broken out on the African battlefield. “Civilian armed conflict” was a description only the Holy Roman government would dare to use. Whether in terms of weaponry, the military quality of the participants, or the scale of the clashes, none of it resembled anything that could reasonably be called a civilian conflict. Moreover, this was only the beginning. As time went on, the number of people drawn into the fighting continued to rise. After a moment of contemplation, Franz turned around and said coldly, “Since the British refuse to move, then we will stimulate them a bit more. Invite the governments of all European countries to Vienna next month to convene an anti-British conference, to deliberate on…”
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