Holy Roman Empire Chapter 758 - Indulgence Mode 2.0

        

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        Alliances are complex matters that require careful consideration of various factors. While Britain and France had their share of conflicts, they were, in many ways, direct competitors.         Austria had put enough pressure on the British, but not on the French. At least, the French government did not feel particularly threatened by Austria.         Although the recent civil war had severely weakened France, and many believed it would take years to recover, this was merely an outside perspective. Most French citizens still remained highly confident in their nation’s strength.         Perceptions and beliefs do not change overnight, and the larger a nation is, the more stubborn it tends to be in this regard. Confidence often goes hand in hand with arrogance.         Besides, France had only suffered economic losses while its military remained largely intact. It was still the most formidable beast in Europe.         Inside the temporary royal palace in Paris, Napoleon IV had yet to recover from the devastation inflicted upon his family. Gone was his previous leniency toward the revolutionaries, he had now ushered in an era of White Terror.         This outcome was inevitable. No ruler could tolerate the existence of insurgents. His earlier tolerance had been a strategic move to stabilize the situation, but now that order had been restored, it was time to settle old scores.         If rebels were left unpunished, wouldn’t that only encourage more uprisings?         For Napoleon IV, the most urgent task was to restore the lost prestige of the monarchy and rebuild its glory.         With a weary expression, Napoleon IV asked in a low voice, “What do you think? How likely is Britain’s proposal for an alliance to be genuine?”         Skepticism was necessary. Anglo-French relations had been poor for most of history. Having been deceived too many times, it was impossible not to learn from past mistakes.         Foreign Minister Terence Bourquin analyzed the situation: “Considering various factors, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs believes the likelihood is at most fifty percent.         Recently, we have been preoccupied with domestic affairs, while the international landscape has undergone dramatic changes.         Without our involvement, Austria has exposed its true ambitions. Based on the current situation, if we continue to stand aside, the fall of the Ottoman Empire will be inevitable.         Persia alone is not strong enough to halt Austria’s expansion. The British, now feeling a direct threat, are in a hurry to form alliances to share the burden.         However, the fall of the Ottomans does not cause any real pain for the European world. In fact, public sentiment is largely in favor of it. Britain’s attempt to pressure Austria into stopping through international outcry is simply unrealistic.         In this regard, we are their only option. But that does not mean our conflicts with Britain are insignificant.         The recent turmoil in our country had British involvement behind the scenes. We have yet to settle that score, so why would they assume we would stand with them now?         The mere threat of Austria is not enough to set aside the deep-rooted conflicts between our two nations.         Unless the British government is willing to pay a price to compensate for our losses, I have every reason to suspect that this is nothing more than a diversion, a ploy by the British to shift our attention away, fearing our retaliation.”         There was no helping it, the French had been tormented badly in recent times. Though many European nations had played a hand in their suffering, the biggest culprit was undoubtedly Britain.         First, they shorted the franc in financial markets. Then came the flood of cheap British goods, support for the revolutionaries, and even unrest in the overseas colonies.         Just because the British government had pulled back at the last moment and even lent them a hand did not mean the French government felt any gratitude.         That was simply impossible. Human nature tends to remember grievances far more than favors. If not for being preoccupied with internal matters, the French government would have long since been plotting its revenge.         “There are no permanent enemies, only permanent interests.”         While this saying holds some truth, it is not entirely accurate. A country may choose to forget grudges, but people do not.         As the beneficiary of France’s internal turmoil, Britain had no resentment. But as the victim, asking the French to immediately set aside their hatred and rationally weigh the pros and cons was simply too much to ask.         Of course, if the interests at stake were great enough, it was possible to temporarily put aside past grievances.         Finance Minister Roy Vernon spoke up: “No matter what Britain’s true intentions are, it is necessary for us to make contact with them.         Right now, our priority is economic recovery. For a long time to come, we will not have the capacity to get involved in international affairs.         Austria has yet to fully conquer the Ottomans. And even if they do succeed in annexing them, that would be Britain’s problem, not ours.”         This was the prevailing view across Europe. In most people’s minds, the Ottoman Empire was nothing more than a barbaric land inhabited by uncivilized savages.         The fierce resistance of the Ottomans only reinforced this belief. Seeing how utterly devastated the land had become, everyone felt reassured. With everything reduced to rubble, there was no way Austria could gain any real strength from these conquests.         Many were waiting to see Austria make a fool of itself. Some newspapers even openly mocked them, claiming that Austria had waged a war doomed to be a financial disaster purely out of hatred.         And they weren’t wrong. From a purely economic standpoint, the Austrian government was bound to suffer losses.         According to reports from war correspondents, the Ottomans had truly mobilized every citizen for war, fighting for every inch of land with their blood.         The territories seized by the Anti-Ottoman Coalition were little more than wastelands. Roads, bridges, and farmlands were destroyed, dams and waterways blown up, cities reduced to rubble, and even the wells had been poisoned.         The few surviving inhabitants were mostly elderly, women, and children—each one carrying a look of deep hatred, ready to turn into insurgents at any moment.         Napoleon IV nodded. “Let the Ministry of Foreign Affairs negotiate with the British. If the British government wants us to help contain Austria, they must first help us restore our economy.         Britain and Austria currently control international coal prices. It’s time to break that monopoly. As a gesture of goodwill, let them lower their coal export prices by half.”         Following the economic crisis, British and Austrian capitalists had deliberately driven up coal export prices to gain a competitive edge in global markets.         As a result, French industries were forced to bear energy costs twice as high as their British and Austrian counterparts.         Breaking this predatory monopoly was absolutely essential for the recovery of France’s industrial and commercial sectors.         …         The news of an Anglo-French rapprochement was no secret. The very existence of this alliance was meant to serve as a deterrent, so naturally, it had to be widely publicized.         The first to bear the brunt was Austria. Whether Franz was willing to admit it or not, an Anglo-French alliance was still the most formidable combination of its time.         At least in terms of influence, that was undeniable. Even now, over 80% of the world still regards Britain and France as the most powerful nations.         In the original timeline, long after the Franco-Prussian War, public opinion widely held that France was stronger than Germany and that its defeat had merely been an accident. How could anyone argue with such a perception?         Foreign Minister Wessenberg stated, “Our alliance with Britain and France will expire in a year, and given the current situation, the chances of renewal are nearly zero.         We’ve put too much pressure on the British recently, which is why they’re so eager to draw France to their side.         However, tensions between Britain and France remain high, and it will be difficult for them to reach a full agreement in the short term. If we extend a certain degree of goodwill, their alliance may very well fall apart before it even solidifies.”         Franz stood up, paced the room a few steps, and solemnly declared, “We must prevent Britain and France from growing closer. This is a dangerous sign.         Austria does not fear any single great power, but we cannot tolerate the existence of a hostile alliance.         When two great powers form an alliance, it is no longer a simple matter of one plus one equals two. It signifies that Europe’s tolerance for Austria is nearing its breaking point.         Napoleon serves as a cautionary tale for us. We absolutely cannot allow a similar situation to occur in Austria.         Aside from the alliances we lead, no other great power alliance should exist in Europe.

        In this regard, the British are worth learning from. If we cannot break apart the Anglo-French alliance, then we should find a way to join it instead.

        Our alliance with Britain and France is nearing its expiration, but it hasn’t expired yet, has it?         If the British can win over the French, then so can we. In fact, we can offer an even higher price.         Napoleon IV wants to surpass his father? Fine, we’ll give him the opportunity. Let’s see if the French have the appetite for it.”         When it came to being generous with others’ resources, Franz had always been quite liberal. Grand strategic visions and long-term interests? To him, such concerns were nothing more than empty illusions.         The 19th century and the 21st century were two completely different worlds. What held great value now would not necessarily be equally valuable in the future.         After a brief pause, Franz continued, “Aren’t the British working on establishing North Germany? Then let’s help them. Let’s play dumb and pretend we see nothing.”         Chancellor Felix immediately objected, “Your Majesty, that is absolutely unacceptable! If we allow this, the unification of Germany will become an unreachable dream!”         Franz waved his hand dismissively. “My dear Chancellor, calm down. Establishing a North German Empire is easy but keeping it intact is another matter entirely.         After this economic crisis, the French have realized the importance of energy. The French government will certainly try to find a solution.         Back in the day, Napoleon III had his eyes on the resources of the Rhineland, but we managed to divert his attention to Italy instead.         If the French search everywhere and ultimately conclude that only the Rhineland has the coal they need, do you think Napoleon IV will be able to resist?         Even if the Emperor restrains himself out of consideration for the bigger picture, will France’s industrial and commercial sectors hold back?         If necessary, we can fan the flames. Once tensions reach a breaking point, all it takes is a spark to ignite a crisis.         I’m quite curious. If a Franco-German war breaks out, what choice will the British government make?”         Chancellor Felix gasped in alarm. “Your Majesty, letting France expand eastward is far too risky! It could easily spiral out of control! We—”         Franz interrupted, “It’s not that serious. If North Germany can’t hold out, we’ll step in ourselves. As long as we defeat the French, the strategy for German unification will be complete.         If France proves too difficult to defeat, we can allow the front lines to ‘fail’ on purpose, let the situation spiral out of control, and drag the rest of Europe into the mess.         A powerful and aggressive France is a threat to every nation in Europe. Why should we be the only ones fighting on the front lines?”         Seeing the shock on everyone’s faces, Franz chose not to elaborate further. Their reaction was nothing more than a matter of moral boundaries.         In Franz’s view, as long as Germany remained divided, North Germany was not yet part of the Holy Roman Empire’s new incarnation.         If chaos erupted, it would provide the perfect opportunity to kill with a borrowed knife, eliminating some of the smaller states.         After all, at its peak, the German region had over a thousand ruling lords and more than 200 independent states. Even after the 1815 Congress of Vienna, 39 legitimate German states remained.         Even now, there were still over 30 independent German states. If some weren’t dealt with, Franz wouldn’t be able to sit securely on his imperial throne.         The French were the perfect tool for this. With the French threat looming, the smaller German states would have no choice but to rally around Austria.

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