The Near East War had intensified, but apart from politicians paying attention, it had hardly caught the interest of the ordinary onlookers. The House of Habsburg and the Ottomans had been sworn enemies for centuries. Additionally, the Russian government and the Ottomans shared the same enmity. Even Greece and Montenegro had a longstanding blood feud with the Ottoman Empire. With a common enemy, it was only natural for these four nations to form an anti-Ottoman alliance. A quick glance at history showed that these countries fought the Ottomans every few decades. The Ottoman Empire had long been in decline. It had already been forced out of the Balkans in the First Near East War, and Anatolia still felt too distant for most people to care. Instead, public attention remained fixated on the French Revolution. Although the Paris Commune movement had ended, its political impact was far-reaching. The destruction of the Palace of Versailles may have seemed like an act of vengeful catharsis, but in reality, it symbolized the fall of monarchical authority from its pedestal. The defeated revolutionaries, unwilling to accept their loss, seized upon the final waves of unrest, spreading revolutionary ideals as much as possible, while governments across Europe scrambled to put out the flames. At first glance, this turmoil had little to do with the anti-Ottoman coalition, but newspapers chased sales, not geopolitics. Domestic events always overshadow distant conflicts in the public eye. While the people of Europe were focused on revolution, the citizens of the four anti-Ottoman nations kept their eyes fixed on the Near East War. Humans have always been creatures of vengeance and the Ottoman Empire, as the great villain, had successfully monopolized their hatred, leaving them with no time to concern themselves with revolutionary ideas. Fortunately, in this era, information did not spread widely, and people’s understanding of the outside world was not particularly detailed. Otherwise, if this news were to leak, it would surely cause an uproar. Using a war against an old enemy to divert internal conflicts and prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas… It was simply too perfect. Of course, this tactic wouldn’t necessarily work for France. All of its historical rivals were far too powerful, and none of them would be easy to provoke. The key to using war as a distraction was that you had to win. If you lost, everything would fall apart completely. … At the Berlin Palace, Frederick III was engaged in a final internal struggle. Should he ally with Hanover to form a North German Empire, or not? Every time he thought about it, he couldn’t help but blame his father for leaving him such a mess. Looking back, when Metternich had proposed a Prussian-Austrian partition of Germany, it had been firmly rejected by the Prussian government due to unequal territorial division, opposition from Britain and France, and other political factors. Who could have predicted that thirty years later, due to poor government decisions, Prussia would once again be forced to reconsider forming a North German state? Yet, this so-called “North German Empire” was an entirely different entity from what had been envisioned before. Although Germany’s territorial integrity had been maintained, and the land under discussion was even larger than what Metternich had originally proposed, Prussia itself had shrunk drastically. As a result, instead of leading North Germany, Prussia would now become a vassal of Hanover. All that talk about the guest overtaking the host was nothing but nonsense meant to deceive people. Frederick III wasn’t going to believe a single word of it. At this point, simply ensuring Prussia’s independence would already be a blessing from God. After all, Hanover was Britain’s true favorite, while Prussia was at best a foster child—at least in the Victorian era. In a world dominated by great powers, having a strong patron was crucial, and Prussia had very few choices left. Due to the Russo-Prussian War, Russia in the east was undoubtedly an enemy. Avoiding trouble from them would already be lucky enough, securing their support was out of the question. Forming a North German Empire would inevitably offend Austria. Although the Austrian government had remained seemingly inactive, Frederick III was certain that something was going on behind the scenes. Prussia had originally pinned its hopes on France, but before they could even approach them, France had suddenly plunged into revolution. Every time he thought about it, Frederick III felt relieved. If Prussia had taken that step, they might have ended up offending Britain as well. Chancellor Leo von Caprivi suggested, “Your Majesty, since we can’t figure out Austria’s plans, why not just confront them directly? It’s certain that the Austrian government wants to unify Germany. However, they aren’t making a move yet because they’re afraid of triggering a united European resistance. Right now, France in the west has been weakened by revolution, and the Ottoman Empire in the south is on the brink of collapse. If Austria can keep Russia in check, their chances of unifying Germany will be quite high. Given our current situation, we can only stand with the eventual winner. Many of the German states have already been swayed by Austria, and the Austrian government has been deliberately withholding any offers to us… likely because they don’t trust us.” People change. Under the harsh realities of society, the Greater Prussia ideology had long since vanished into thin air. Even the once arrogant Junker aristocrats, humbled by military defeat, had been forced into a state of dormancy. With politicians now in power, the Prussian government was no longer as radical as before and it had become far more pragmatic. Frederick III shook his head and said, “It’s not that simple. The French haven’t truly been crippled. Give them three to five years, and they’ll recover. No matter how strong Russo-Austrian relations may seem, they can’t override national interests. Perhaps for now, the Russian government will reluctantly accept Austria’s unification of Germany and its rise as the dominant power in Europe. But one day, Russia will regain its strength. Whether it takes ten or twenty years, do you think they’ll still be willing to let Austria monopolize European hegemony? With Britain in the picture, do you really think an anti-Austrian alliance is far away? Even Napoleon was defeated by a united Europe and knowing Franz’s cautious nature, do you really think he would risk such a gamble? Unifying Germany wouldn’t just be the peak of Austria’s power, it would also be the beginning of its downfall. Without absolute certainty, Austria won’t make a move. Otherwise, they would have unified Germany long ago.” After speaking, Frederick III pointed at the map and then fell silent. The one who understands you best is not your friend, but your enemy. Prussia and Austria had been rivals for years, and the Prussian government had always placed great emphasis on gathering intelligence on Austria, including analyzing Franz’s personality. With this level of understanding, Frederick III could basically predict the Austrian government’s intentions. Since Austria had already dealt with its enemies on both the northern and southern fronts through diplomacy and military action, why not wait until the remaining enemies were eliminated before making a move? Following the direction of Frederick III’s finger on the map, Leo von Caprivi couldn’t help but blurt out: “India!” As soon as he said it, he seemed to realize he had misspoken, falling into silence. Only one thought filled his mind—Austria had made its move. This was the terrifying thing about an open conspiracy. Everyone could see it clearly, yet they still couldn’t resist the temptation of its benefits. During the First Near East War, Russia had already been played by Austria. Yet despite this, Russo-Austrian relations remained unaffected. The reason was simple. Austria delivered on the benefits it had promised so the Russians willingly accepted being played. No matter how heavy the losses, could they compare to the value of Constantinople? As long as the interests were worth it, the losses didn’t matter. In essence, Russia’s potential power had actually grown. It just needed time to be fully converted into national strength. Of course, the Prussian government knew what was going on but they had no intention of warning the British. Not long ago, Prussia had just tricked Britain and Anglo-Prussian relations were already strained. … The Prussian government had already analyzed the situation, and naturally, the British government could do the same. However, because the two governments stood in different positions, they arrived at different conclusions. Prussia suspected that Austria might encourage Russia to annex India, while Britain believed that Austria itself had set its sights on India. After all, India was the richest colony in the world, wealthier than all other colonies combined. It made no sense for the Austrian government not to be ambitious about it. While supporting the Ottoman Empire, Gladstone also abandoned his own “Splendid Isolation” policy. This was one of the six principles he had proposed before becoming Prime Minister: Establish good governance at home; Maintain peace abroad; Ensure coordination among the great powers of Europe; Avoid alliances with other countries; Recognize the equal rights of all nations; and lastly, Sympathize with the cause of freedom. The core of these six principles rested on two main ideas: Acting as a mediator among European nations to establish a so-called “Concert of Europe”; the other is avoiding alliances with European powers to maintain Britain’s freedom of action—the foundation of “Splendid Isolation”. However, the plans could never keep up with the changes. Before Gladstone even had a chance to implement these policies, the international situation took a dramatic turn. If, before the outbreak of the Near East War, the Splendid Isolation policy had been the best choice for the British government, then after the Paris revolution and the formation of the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, it was no longer viable. Faced with an increasingly severe international situation, the British urgently needed allies on the European continent to contain Austria and ensure the security of India. Looking across the world, there were only three countries capable of restraining Austria and that list was pitifully short. Besides Britain itself, only France and Russia remained, both of which were not in their best state. Gladstone clasped his hands together on the table and said seriously, “Gentlemen, it’s time to make a choice. Britain needs a powerful ally to deal with the upcoming global changes. Now, let’s pick one from France, Russia, or Austria!” And yes, Austria was also on the list. In the British dictionary, the line between enemy and ally was flexible. When a country grew too strong to suppress and could no longer be an enemy, turning it into a friend was also an option. Foreign Secretary George was the first to respond: “Prime Minister, this is a single-choice question, we don’t actually have a choice at all. With France and Russia in decline, the situation in continental Europe has become clear. Austria, which has remained low-key and inconspicuous, has now become our greatest threat. Of course, there’s a possibility that Austria is just a paper tiger, but that chance is extremely slim. Even amidst a Europe-wide revolution, Austria remained stable. I don’t believe they will face internal turmoil anytime soon. At this moment, if we ally with Austria, we will only further fuel their arrogance. Russia is not a good option either. Their interests are too deeply tied to Austria, and until they recover their strength, the Russian government is unlikely to turn against Austria. Besides, the Russians have terrible credibility. We don’t have the military power to collect debts from them, and giving them aid would be a total loss. In reality, we are left with only one choice—France. From my personal perspective, the ambitious French are also not an ideal ally. Supporting them comes with huge risks, and the chances of them turning against us are very high. We must be careful and control the situation carefully.” Trying to recruit allies while fearing that they might become too powerful, the British government was deeply troubled by maintaining the balance of power in Europe. Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Childers objected, “Would it really be a bad thing to let the Austrians become more arrogant? We must recognize that this enemy is different from those in the past. With the outbreak of civil unrest in France, Austria has already become the de facto hegemon of the continent. However, this hegemon is unlike previous European overlords. The Austrians dominate European affairs through the Vienna System but they have no habit of recklessly interfering. Even during the French turmoil, they exercised restraint. This self-discipline has given Austria an excellent international reputation among European nations. In fact, they maintain good relations with almost every country in Europe. Against such an enemy, containment is the worst possible choice. No one knows how many allies they could rally in response. The best approach is to let them make mistakes themselves.” Letting them make their own mistakes and experience failure would be the cheapest way to deal with Austria but only if they could actually be struck down. Otherwise, Britain would be left holding the stick, suffering all the consequences. After a moment of hesitation, Prime Minister Gladstone shook his head. “The success rate is too low. We cannot rely on Austria making mistakes. If they don’t make a mistake, we will have personally unleashed a monster, which will eventually turn on us. No, that’s wrong. Austria is already a man-eating monster—a monster that excels at disguise. We were deceived by their facade before, and only now do we truly recognize the threat they pose.”
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