Theory was one thing, reality another. On paper, the agreement seemed fulfilled and the crisis appeared to have passed, yet no one truly felt at ease. Verbal promises were inherently vague. When those promises lacked concrete terms and were deliberately ambiguous, they offered even less security. Yamagata Aritomo said, “Itō-kun, the Holy Roman government still has not agreed to let us withdraw from the war. What we have now is only a temporary ceasefire. There are not even formal negotiations yet. France, Argentina, Uruguay, and others have already signed armistice agreements with the Continental Alliance. Although the final price has not been set, those countries have genuinely exited the war. Right now, the only ones still officially at war with the Continental Alliance are the British Empire, the United States, and us. With the situation unresolved for so long, no one knows what the Holy Roman government is really thinking. What if they suddenly turn their backs on us?” This concern was hardly unfounded. The Holy Roman government did have a strong reputation, but Japan had never reached any substantive agreement with them. Even regarding the attack on Russia, the Holy Roman government had only hinted at it by asking Japan to “demonstrate sincerity.” They had never said anything outright. Whether something counted as “sincere” depended entirely on the Holy Roman government’s mood. If they chose to renege, the Japanese government would have no recourse at all. Itō Hirobumi replied, “Yamagata-kun, things are not that bad. The British Empire has fallen, and the Holy Roman Empire has eaten its fill. With so many colonies on their plate, digesting them will take time. According to intelligence from Europe, the Holy Roman government is even considering abandoning India. Giving up the richest colony in the world while holding absolute superiority cannot be just about placating allies. It is far more likely tied to their strategic core. As a fellow colonial empire, the Holy Roman government’s colonial policy clearly emphasizes the long term. When opening new colonies, they tend to choose regions with smaller populations but abundant resources, and they rarely touch densely populated areas. History has proven this strategy extremely successful. Not only did it avoid direct clashes with other great powers during the initial expansion, but during colonial administration, Holy Roman colonies have also experienced the fewest problems. With such a successful model already in place, there is no reason for them to change course. We, on the other hand, are densely populated, economically backward, resource-poor, plagued by frequent volcanic activity, and lacking in strategic value. We are simply not worth the Holy Roman government’s attention. Under these circumstances, as long as we do not do something stupid ourselves, there will be no major problems.” Just thinking about it was depressing. “Economically backward, resource-poor, and plagued by volcanoes” had somehow all become advantages. But when survival was on the line, none of that really mattered. Like a “sea spider,” as long as you had no value, you did not need to fear being hunted. Japan’s ability to accept reality so calmly stemmed largely from the fact that since the Meiji Restoration, it had taken blow after blow. Being pushed around by the great powers on a daily basis was nothing new. Minor slights were not worth getting angry over. As long as core interests were not involved, everything could be endured. What truly crushed confidence was repeated strategic failure. First came the southward invasion of the Philippines, only to be driven back by the great powers. Then, just as Japan finally mustered the courage to launch a war against Russia, the world war erupted. With the great powers splitting into opposing camps, Japan, forced to pick a side, tragically backed the wrong boss. Years of painstakingly built naval strength went down the drain. Watching the Oceanic Alliance collapse in front of them, yet being utterly powerless to stop it, Japan’s expectations dropped again and again. Even the most extreme nationalists were no longer as arrogant as in the original timeline. “Conquer East Asia, dominate the world”? Better wash up and go to sleep. In dreams, anything was possible. Faced with the current tangled situation, the Japanese government debated endlessly and finally arrived at the most helpless strategy of all: lie low and play the coward. … By now, no one really cared what decision Japan made. The eyes of the entire world were focused on the British Isles. Negotiations were negotiations, but the war had to go on. Both sides were seasoned veterans of international politics. There was no chance of stalling for time through talks alone. Until one side was completely beaten down, or a formal armistice was signed, the Continental Alliance’s offensive against Britain would only intensify, not ease. Unlike the early days of the war, when countries were dragged into fighting by the Holy Roman government, the situation was now crystal clear. This was a classic case of beating a drowning dog, and everyone was scrambling to get in on it. The most eye-catching battlefield was India, where the situation changed by the day. The British colonial government was incapable of defending the subcontinent, and the Indian National Congress was even more hopeless. Those who did not know the background might have thought it was an Indian independence movement. In reality, the Congress’s founders were all British-Indian retired officials, and its political demands were limited to implementing representative government. Pushing for independence was something that belonged to the post–World War II era. For now, India was still a “good child,” tightly clustered around the British Raj and helping uphold the British Empire’s colonial rule. Even after World War II, India’s independence was largely forced by the international situation. A declining Britain simply could not compete with the United States and the Soviet Union and was compelled to compromise. The role played by the Indian National Congress was essentially one of protest, demonstrations, negotiation, compromise, and finally taking over power. The most famous resistance movement it ever produced was Gandhi’s “Nonviolent Non-Cooperation Movement.” Without international public opinion backing it, the so-called Nonviolent Non-Cooperation Movement would have been nothing more than a joke. At present, the Continental Alliance represents the international community. More than eighty percent of the world’s countries were members of the Alliance. Who international opinion would support was self-evident. Chaos or not, it did not really matter. As the attacking side, the Continental allied forces had never expected the Indians to cooperate in the first place. Trying things like “nonviolent non-cooperation” or “hunger strikes” at this moment would likely leave even the Alliance’s top leadership unaware of what was happening, let alone prompt any concessions. India’s population was enormous anyway. Losing a few million people would barely register, like a drop in the ocean. As for “armed resistance,” that was asking the impossible. If independence had been granted earlier, perhaps there might have been a chance to fight together against the allied forces. But independence had just been announced, and the allied armies were already marching in. How was a newborn Indian government supposed to cope with that? They had not even completed the transfer of power, let alone organized any effective resistance. Aside from gaining the label of “independence,” the forces doing the fighting were still the old colonial troops. If this had been a country with strong nationalism, the stimulus of independence might have unleashed astonishing potential. Unfortunately, India clearly did not possess such conditions. If Indian nationalism had been strong enough, Britain would never have been able to colonize it in the first place. Unless minds were liberated and the caste system broken, a population accustomed to submission simply could not organize effective resistance. Britain’s decision, based on past experience, not only failed to awaken Indian resistance, but instead plunged India into even greater chaos. Without the restraint of British bureaucrats, the Indian National Congress, having only just taken over part of the authority, was plainly incapable of unifying and governing the entire country. In peacetime, gradual adjustment and growth might have worked. But the current situation clearly did not allow for that. The result of this hasty intervention was obvious: local power rapidly fell into the hands of the Brahmins and Kshatriyas. And that was not the end of it. Thanks to Britain’s long-standing habit of digging pits in India and deliberately fostering ethnic and religious divisions, the newborn Indian government found itself buried under even greater pressure. With all these factors acting together, India’s situation naturally collapsed at breathtaking speed. If nothing unexpected happened, India would change hands before Christmas. “No India, no British Empire.” This was a consensus shared across the world. As India’s fall became inevitable, the pro-war faction on the British Isles finally fell silent. India was gone. What would be next? The Holy Roman Empire had already built unstoppable momentum, with countries around the world scrambling to attach themselves to its wings. Whether it was attacking Australia and New Zealand or seizing Canada, none of it would be particularly difficult. Without overseas colonies, how long could Britain rely on the British Isles alone to hold out? No one truly knew. This brutal world had always offered little help in times of need and plenty of blows when someone was down. And Britain, in particular, had a habit of making enemies everywhere, leaving grudges scattered across the globe. As the outcome of the war grew increasingly clear, countries around the world hastily drew lines between themselves and Britain, joining the blockade. If Britain wanted to obtain supplies, black-market smuggling was the only option left. Even that narrow channel, however, was far from smooth. It was not that the capitalists lacked ability. The risks were simply too great. Governments everywhere had been sternly warned by the Continental Alliance. Doing business with Britain at this stage would be treated as openly siding with the British Empire. To avoid suspicion, countries poured tremendous effort into cracking down on smuggling, lest they be dragged down as collateral damage. With overseas trade routes cut and colonial supplies gone, what exactly was Britain supposed to fight with? Leaving everything else aside, food alone was a massive problem. Given the level of productivity at the time, the British Isles simply could not feed a population of forty million on their own. An iron will could not overcome an empty stomach. Once the grain reserves were exhausted, that would be the moment the British Empire truly collapsed. Home Secretary Azevedo said, “As early as three months ago, we implemented a rationing system. But compared to the crisis we are facing now, it has barely made a dent. The war has been going on for almost a year, and domestic reserves are being consumed at an alarming rate. Food in particular can last, at most, another two months. If no new supplies arrive, this will be a very hard Christmas. Public opinion is also extremely unfavorable to us. Anti-war sentiment has swept across the British Isles. It is time to seriously consider ending the war.” “Ending the war” was not being mentioned for the first time. As early as half a year ago, there had already been voices calling for an end to this disastrous conflict. Back then, the British government had held a secret meeting with the Holy Roman government. Unfortunately, the gap between the two sides was simply too wide. The Holy Roman government not only demanded hegemony, but also required Britain to give up one-third of its colonies. The talks ended in failure. Two months ago, as the situation deteriorated and anti-war sentiment surged, the two sides met in secret once again. This time, Britain could have accepted the ceasefire terms proposed by the Holy Roman government earlier. Unfortunately, the Holy Roman government’s appetite had grown. The demands were no longer limited to colonies. They even set their sights on dismantling the British Isles themselves. Of course, there was still some room for negotiation. However, once the homeland was involved, the British government simply did not dare to agree. If they accepted terms that split up the British Isles, an enraged public might well rise in revolution. Now that the situation had completely collapsed, restarting negotiations could no longer truly be called negotiations. Britain had already lost most of its bargaining chips. The balance of power between the two sides was utterly broken. Foreign Secretary Adam shrugged and said, “Sir, when this war ends is no longer something the Empire can decide. If we want it to end immediately, there is only one option left: surrender.” “Surrender.” The word was both familiar and alien. Britain was no stranger to defeat, nor had it never surrendered to an enemy. But for the past century, Britain had sat atop the world as the hegemon. Even when it lost on the battlefield, it merely sought an armistice to cut its losses. It had never been forced to outright surrender. This time was different. Britain had already lost the ability to keep fighting. If the war dragged on, Britain truly would be stripped down to nothing. “Weak states have no diplomacy.” Adam understood this better than most. As Britain’s foreign secretary, he had seen more than once the helplessness of envoys from weak countries at the negotiating table. He had simply never imagined that such a tragic scene would one day be played out by Britain itself. Prime Minister Campbell said, “Whether we fight on or make peace, we do not have the right to decide on behalf of forty million Britons. Let us submit the matter to Parliament for debate!”
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