Across the ocean, as the second most important member of the Oceanic Alliance, the United States has been unusually tumultuous of late. The question of whether to send troops into the war has completely torn the country apart. It is not only members of Congress who are divided into multiple factions and arguing fiercely. The public is equally split, and with the media fanning the flames, the issue has become the hottest topic in American society. After tremendous effort, the various sides finally managed to reach a fragile consensus. Yet no sooner had this been achieved than news of the massive bombing of London arrived, and the arguments immediately flared up again. Just as order was barely restored once more, disastrous news from the Battle of the Malacca Strait followed. One blow after another nearly drove Theodore Roosevelt to the brink of collapse. Being president of the United States was never easy. Domestic positions had never truly been unified. The United States originated from Britain. Anglo-American capital was, in a very real sense, bound by blood and interest. These interests pushed the United States to stand on Britain’s side. As for the Holy Roman Empire, it was an outlier in the capitalist world. Although it was also classified as a capitalist state, what it practiced internally was state capitalism. There were numerous restrictions, and the bourgeoisie was firmly constrained. Financial capital in particular was subject to especially strict regulation, to the point of being almost harsh. If the Holy Roman Empire were to win the war and its model came to dominate the world, it would be an outright disaster for the capitalist world. If not for the depth of the intertwined interests, and if they had not been drawn onto the ship so early by British persuasion, then given Britain’s performance on the battlefield, Roosevelt would long ago have stopped playing along with the British. But reality was cruel. The United States had been influenced by Britain far too deeply. Politically, culturally, and economically, it was tightly bound to Britain. In the original timeline after the Second World War, the reason the Americans were able to smoothly take over Britain’s global hegemony was precisely because these interest groups had paved the way. It had to be acknowledged that Britain’s influence at this time was formidable. While drawing the United States closer, it was even able to keep its allied nations firmly in line. If not for the deep hatred between North and South, it was quite possible that the two sides might even have ended up fighting in the same trench. Of course, this also had something to do with the Austrian government’s deliberate restraint and noninterference. Allies are not necessarily better the more there are. When choosing allies, in addition to aligned interests, one must also consider the responsibilities and consequences that come with them. The Holy Roman Empire’s strength in the Americas is sufficient to defend its own colonies, but it is clearly inadequate to provide security guarantees to its allies. Influenced by Franz, the pragmatic Austrian government has never engaged in actions that exceed its own capabilities. In regions where its own strength is weak, such as the Americas, efforts to cultivate allies have naturally been conducted quietly. In any case, these states would only be there to make up the numbers. They are not even qualified to serve as cannon fodder. Before the situation becomes clear, there is no need for them to step into the spotlight. The real significance of cultivating allies lies in shaping the postwar international order. With allies coordinating from within, the outcome is obviously better than relying solely on brute force. For a hegemonic power, the more lesser allies it has, the better. President Roosevelt asked with concern, “Have the expert group’s assessments come out yet? What are Britain’s actual chances of winning?” Deep down, Roosevelt leaned toward Britain. In this war, the United States was also supporting Britain. Even so, he had no real confidence in the outcome of the conflict. There was no alternative. A divided United States was by no means a simple matter of three minus one equaling two. In terms of comprehensive national strength, it amounted to at most half of what it had been in the original timeline, with industrial capacity suffering especially severe damage. Even combined, Britain and the United States still lagged far behind the Holy Roman Empire in qualitative terms. Their only apparent advantage lay in name alone. On paper, the Oceanic Alliance covered more territory, had a larger population, and possessed richer resources. But wars are not fought solely with territory, population, and resources. Turning these factors into actual military strength requires a long and arduous process. Otherwise, the population of British India alone would have been nearly comparable to that of the entire Continental Alliance. The land and resources under Oceanic Alliance control were also far greater than those of the Continental Alliance. If not for the low efficiency of this conversion, the war would already have tilted decisively in favor of the Oceanic Alliance, and Britain would not be pinned down and battered by the Holy Roman Empire. Secretary of State Castro replied with a grave expression, “The current situation is extremely unfavorable. The balance is steadily shifting against us. Before the outbreak of the war, the expert panel assessed the Oceanic Alliance’s chances of victory at 86.7%. After the bombing of London, that figure dropped by ten percent. After news of the Battle of Malacca came in, the panel lowered it by another twenty percent. On the surface, the Oceanic Alliance still appears to hold the advantage, but this is under the most optimistic assumptions. We must take worst case scenarios seriously. For example, if the Russians intervene in India, or if the Cape of Good Hope falls, British East Africa collapses, Indochina is lost, or the Holy Roman Army occupies Persia. Frankly speaking, I have serious doubts about the combat effectiveness of the British Army. Without external intervention, their forces are unlikely to withstand the enemy’s advance.” Although the world war had already broken out, the states truly engaged in large-scale combat were still limited to Britain and the Holy Roman Empire, at most with Japan and the Russian Empire involved. The remaining belligerents were still in the preparation phase. As the situation deteriorated rapidly, the British government naturally sought to pull its allies directly into the war. As the second ranked power in the alliance, the United States had no choice but to take concrete action. After a pause lasting about the time it took to drink a cup of coffee, Roosevelt said harshly, “If that is the case, then we must find a way to help the British hold their territory. Other countries may still have a way out, but we do not. The Holy Roman government’s hostility toward us did not begin yesterday. Since the Civil War, they have never abandoned their efforts to suppress us. Now that all sides have formally declared war, any opportunity to weaken us is one they will seize without hesitation.” In reality, the pressure exerted on the United States since the Civil War had not come solely from the Holy Roman Empire. Many European countries had taken part as well, the only difference being the intensity of that pressure. This included restrictions on immigration, technological blockades in high-end industries, and unequal treatment in trade. It was not until the establishment of the free trade system, when the United States effectively became a dumping ground for European goods, that its political situation began to improve somewhat. The deeper reasons were well understood by all. The so-called chosen nation was simply too wealthy and possessed too much development potential, inevitably provoking jealousy and apprehension among the European powers. To change this unfavorable situation, the Washington administration naturally moved closer to Britain, a country of shared origins. The British themselves were also being marginalized by continental Europe, so the two sides quickly found common ground and aligned with one another. Regardless of how turbulent the international situation became, the internal causes behind the Holy Roman Empire’s suppression of the United States continued to exist. This was a reality the American government had no choice but to confront head on. … The blood red glow of the evening clouds gradually faded. Aircraft continued to circle in the sky, artillery still thundered across the land, and the overwhelming shouts of battle seemed ready to tear the world apart. Lowering his binoculars, Archduke Frederick let out a sigh. After a full day of fighting and more than a thousand casualties, the frontline had advanced less than a mile. Against the already declining Persian Empire, such results were clearly unsatisfactory. There was, however, no helping it. The enemy had been well prepared. Wedged between three great bullies, Britain, Russia, and Austria, Persia had never enjoyed a single day of peace. As the saying goes, hardship breeds vigilance while comfort breeds decay. Although the Persian Empire was in decline, the constant pressure from three major powers ensured that its ruling class never lacked a sense of crisis. In order to preserve itself, the Persian government had long exploited the contradictions among the three powers, wavering back and forth and refusing to take sides. In normal times, this was indeed the optimal choice. As a buffer state between great powers, Persia had no need to declare a position. Choosing sides would only have dragged it into danger. Unfortunately, the times were changing and the international order was in flux. Failing to keep pace, the Persian government made a grave misjudgment at the moment when the hegemonic war broke out, triggering the conflict. Despite repeated assurances from the Holy Roman government that it merely sought passage to attack India and harbored no territorial ambitions toward Persia, the Persians remained unconvinced. Perhaps memories of their Turkic forebears and the classic stratagem of “borrowing a road to conquer a neighbor” led the Persian leadership to the wrong conclusion. They not only rejected the Holy Roman government’s request for transit but also aligned themselves with the British. Of course, in this case, it was the British who took the initiative and came offering assistance. However, that was not the main point. This involved the Holy Roman government’s second strategic plan and concerned the success or failure of the hegemonic war, so there was no room for sentimentality. Since diplomacy had failed, the matter could only be settled on the battlefield. That was simply the plain and direct style of a hegemonic power. The defensive line before them had been painstakingly constructed by the Persian government over several years, mobilizing one hundred thousand laborers. It seemed the Persian government believed that a turtle shell could provide a sense of security. Not only were fortifications built along the border with the Holy Roman Empire, but defensive lines were also established along the borders with Russia and Britain. Facts proved that fortifications were indeed effective. Without these works to rely on, a direct frontal engagement would likely have already decided the outcome. After glancing at the sky, Archduke Frederick abandoned the idea of a night assault. Although the army needed to race against time, time could not be seized in such a reckless manner. He had personally gone to the front, and the daytime fighting was fully visible to him. It was not that the Holy Roman army lacked strength. Rather, the enemy had long been prepared. They had not only dug a large number of traps along the routes of advance, but had also buried many landmines in advance, making it difficult even for armored tanks to exert their full effectiveness. The slow pace of the daytime advance was largely due to the time consumed by mine clearing. Under the current circumstances, breaking through the enemy’s defenses would not be difficult. However, breaking through them within a short period of time was another matter entirely. Of course, if they were willing to pile up lives, there was still hope. Unfortunately, using human lives in that manner was a specialty of the Russian government. If such tactics were employed in the Holy Roman Empire, even someone of Archduke Frederick’s royal status would be unable to escape the consequences. “Order the troops to halt the attack.” With the signal to withdraw issued, a full day of fighting came to an end. Inside the command headquarters, Frederick stood alone, staring blankly at the map. After repeated study, Frederick reached a conclusion: the Holy Roman Empire now required cannon fodder units. If even the Persians could exploit terrain to construct defensive lines, then the British government needed no further explanation. In the battles to come, there would be no avoiding the use of human lives to force a breakthrough. In the eyes of ordinary people, sacrificing one or two million soldiers in exchange for the capture of India would undoubtedly be a profitable bargain. But Frederick was different. As one of the few insiders within the Empire, he was acutely aware of domestic attitudes toward India. To put it bluntly, India was not something the Holy Roman Empire truly desired. A review of colonial history made this clear. From Austria to the Holy Roman Empire, colonial ambitions had always been directed toward vast and sparsely populated regions. India, with its enormous population, offered little strategic value to the Empire beyond the possibility of short term plunder. The current focus on India was primarily intended to exert pressure on the British government, forcing it to expend national strength in a decisive land confrontation. If excessive sacrifices were made for this purpose, the operation would lose its strategic meaning. This was especially true given that both the air force and the navy were performing well. Under such circumstances, the army could not afford to suffer “heavy casualties.” Forming cannon fodder units might appear simple, but in reality it was a move that would affect the entire system. It was necessary not only to consider cost-effectiveness, but also the political consequences. These were issues that Frederick, as the supreme commander at the front, could not resolve on his own. The authority to determine the structure of the army rested solely with the Emperor. … The following day, Archduke Frederick appeared before everyone with dark circles under his eyes. “Order the Third Division, Ninth Division, and Thirty-Sixth Division to launch a feigned frontal attack. Instruct the Seventh Division, Thirteenth Division, and Eighteenth Division to advance on Persia via the Russian Empire.” Without question, this was a small gamble with virtually no risk. If the Persians had not reinforced their northern defenses, or if those defenses were insufficient, then their collapse would be inevitable. Even if they were prepared, the maneuver would still extend the front line between the two sides. The longer the front, the greater the consumption of supplies, and the more difficult logistical support would become. The Holy Roman Empire, with its vast resources, could sustain such expenditures. That did not mean the Persians could endure the terrifying costs brought by an extended front. Even with British allies providing support, the British were currently overwhelmed themselves. How much aid could they realistically divert to Persia under such circumstances? A staff officer beside him cautioned, “Commander, we have not yet coordinated with the Russians. Crossing the border without prior communication could easily cause a misunderstanding.” Advancing across borders was never a simple matter. Under normal circumstances, no sovereign state would permit such an action, especially not a great power like the Russian Empire. Frederick shook his head and said, “No. This is not a cross border transit. We are merely conducting a joint offensive against Persia with the Russian army. Do not forget that the Russian government has also declared war on Persia. As allies, what issue is there with launching a combined attack?” A declaration of war without actual combat could not be publicly acknowledged, but in legal terms, the Russian Empire was already at war with the Persian Empire. Under the provisions of the Russo-Austrian alliance, during joint operations the Russian army was obligated to cooperate with Holy Roman forces in offensive actions. As for whether the lack of prior consultation with the Russian government would trigger diplomatic disputes, that was not within Frederick’s concerns. If the Holy Roman Empire’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs could not handle such a minor issue, then it hardly deserved its reputation as standing at the pinnacle of diplomacy.
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