In the early hours of the morning, the British government’s temporary headquarters inside the air raid shelter was still brightly lit. It was yet another sleepless night. The smoke from the daytime bombing had barely dissipated when another piece of disastrous news arrived. The Anglo-Japanese combined fleet had suffered a crushing defeat in a naval battle. Even the flagship had been sunk, and Fleet Commander Admiral Michel was now missing, his fate unknown. Upon hearing the report, everyone’s first reaction was the same: “This must be a joke.” The Far Eastern Fleet alone was supposed to be enough to suppress the Southeast Asian Fleet. How could the Anglo-Japanese forces possibly lose? Unfortunately, repeated verification confirmed that this was reality, not a cruel prank. Forced to accept the truth, Prime Minister Campbell’s entire worldview was shaken. It turned out that the Royal Navy was no longer invincible. With this realization, Campbell felt deeply unsettled. If the Royal Navy could no longer maintain dominance, how was this war to be fought? The most bewildered of all was the First Lord of the Admiralty, Swinton. The frontline battle reports were quite explicit, attributing the defeat to one main factor: the enemy’s air force had entered the battle. As for aircraft carriers, they had remained hidden in the rear throughout and never exposed themselves. Since all attacks came from aircraft, the British warships involved were unable to distinguish whether those planes were carrier-based or land-based. War was cruel. A loss was a loss. No matter how many explanations were offered, none could change the outcome. How formidable the enemy’s air power was could be seen simply by looking at the cabinet’s current workplace. If there had been any alternative at all, they would not have been reduced to operating from an air raid shelter. After a brief exchange of glances, the room quickly fell silent. One by one, they sank into a state of helpless confusion, utterly at a loss as to what to do next. There was more than a hint of the feeling: “On the tree of confusion grow the fruits of confusion, and beneath the tree sit you and I.” After the time it took to finish a cup of coffee, Foreign Secretary Adam was the first to break the silence: “The defeat at the Battle of Malacca has had an extremely detrimental impact on the Empire’s overall strategy. I am not particularly familiar with military matters, but the diplomatic fallout alone is enough to be devastating. The enemy will not let this go. Perhaps tonight, or perhaps tomorrow, the news will spread across the entire world. Those allies of ours whose positions were never firm to begin with will likely start causing trouble again. To placate them, the Empire will inevitably have to pay an even greater price. The best way to resolve the situation is still to prove that we possess the strength to win this war. Otherwise, it will be very difficult to persuade them to commit themselves fully.” Having long been accustomed to getting something for nothing, Adam was clearly unaccustomed to the idea of having to put real benefits on the table. Yet the brutal reality lay before them. The era of empty rhetoric was over. Everyone had grown more discerning. No matter how grand the promises sounded, they could not fill an empty stomach. Even if the cake could not be eaten right away, at the very least people needed to smell its aroma. Otherwise, no one would be willing to exert themselves. First Lord of the Admiralty Swinton followed up saying, “According to intelligence from the front, this defeat was primarily due to falling into an enemy ambush. Air power and submarines, elements we previously neglected, have now become the enemy’s decisive tools. The same tactics are only effective the first time. Once we are prepared, the situation will be very different. That said, we must take the role of air power in naval warfare seriously. I propose the establishment of a naval air arm, specifically to counter the enemy’s aerial threat.” The earlier remarks were acceptable enough, but the moment the proposal to “establish a naval air arm” was voiced, Air Secretary Attilio could no longer remain seated. If the navy had its own aviation arm, then would the army not demand its own as well? If both the army and navy possessed their own air forces, then what purpose would the air force itself serve? Now that the very survival of the air force was at stake, Attilio had no choice but to fight back with all his strength. “No. The navy and the air force are both highly specialized branches. Focusing on one is the optimal choice. Trying to do both will only result in a half-baked force that excels at neither.” Swinton disagreed and said, “But your air force is simply incapable of shouldering such a heavy responsibility right now. You cannot even guarantee the safety of London. How, then, can you guarantee the defeat of the enemy’s air force?” It was not that he was trying to seize authority. The problem was that the performance of the British air force had been far too disappointing. Since it could not be relied upon, the navy had no choice but to act on its own. Although the Royal Navy did not possess a complete aviation organization, it already had a considerable number of reconnaissance aircraft, and even a small number of fighters and bombers. With some expansion, that would amount to an air force. There was no need for it to be exceptionally powerful. It only needed to pin down the enemy’s air force during naval engagements. After all, the English Channel was so narrow. If the enemy were to force a landing, the Royal Navy would have no choice but to fight under the cover of the enemy’s air power. Attilio rolled his eyes disdainfully and replied, “If our air force cannot do the job, do you really think setting up a naval air arm will? The Holy Roman Empire is the world’s foremost air power. Its air force is at least twice the size of ours. Without a thousand aircraft, how do you expect to contend with them? Do you have enough pilots? Enough aircrew? Or do you think you can simply grab a few random men and have them do the job?” Manpower was a hard constraint. This was not something that could be conjured out of thin air. Although Britain did have a number of aviation clubs, their scale was extremely limited. Even in the twenty-first century, aircraft were toys for a minority. In the present era, this was even more pronounced. Aside from a very small number of wealthy elites, who could afford such a pastime? And those who could afford it were either rich or noble. Very few were willing to risk their lives on the battlefield. That handful had already been absorbed by the air force. Even civilian pilots and aircrew from commercial aviation companies had been forcibly taken over. Yet even so, when it came to defending London, the British air force still found itself under severe strain. Seeing that the quarrel was on the verge of escalating, Campbell cut in: “Enough arguing. At this point, what we need is to stand together in the same boat. If the navy insists on forming a naval air arm, then it must find its own solution to the personnel problem. The Foreign Office should do its best to communicate with our allies and see whether they can provide an initial batch of pilots. Aircraft production can also be partially outsourced if necessary.” It was obvious that Campbell was truly exhausted. He was no longer willing to say more than absolutely necessary. Since the bombing of London began, he had not had a single good night’s sleep. He had planned to rest properly tonight, only to be hit by yet another crisis. … It was not only the British government that went without sleep that night. After receiving notice from the Holy Roman government, political leaders across Europe were likewise sleepless. Only Europe’s neighboring states could truly comprehend the strength of the Holy Roman Empire. From the moment the massive bombing of the British Isles began, many had already become confident that the Holy Roman Empire would win the war. Even so, the turning point came faster than anyone expected. The war had not even lasted a full week, yet the once mighty British Empire was already in dire straits. This was well beyond most expectations. The country most deeply shaken was the Russian Empire. Unlike the smaller European states that had no hope of ever contending for leadership, Russia was also one of the competitors for hegemony. At present, it had fallen into a disadvantaged position and lacked the strength to contend with either Britain or the Holy Roman Empire. Yet as the world’s third power, the Russian Empire had never abandoned its ambitions. The Russian government had originally hoped to profit as a bystander while the first and second powers clashed. Now, it suddenly discovered that its ally appeared to be playing with cheat codes. The Southeast Asian Fleet’s defeat of the British-Japanese combined fleet was something blatantly unscientific, yet it had occurred openly and with minimal losses. Whether to move south now became a dilemma that the Russian government could no longer avoid. This deeply troubled Nicholas II. Minister of the Navy Leonid said, “The situation has changed too quickly. The facts prove that the British are strong on the outside but weak on the inside. They carry the title of world hegemon, yet lack strength to match it. The Royal Navy may not be as formidable as we once imagined. For the sake of the Empire’s interests, the southward strategy must be launched as soon as possible. If necessary, we can temporarily abandon the Far East. Time waits for no one. If we do not move into India quickly and create a fait accompli, then once the war’s outcome is decided, there may be nothing left for us at all.” It was hardly surprising that the navy favored a southward advance. Russia lacked high quality outlets to the sea. Constantinople was attractive, but it lay directly under the watchful eye of the Holy Roman Empire. Moreover, the Mediterranean had effectively become an internal sea of the Holy Roman Empire, leaving the Russian navy little room to operate. Even if Russia were to force its way in, there would be no meaningful benefits from it. The Baltic Sea was much the same. Not only did Russia face a capable Nordic Federation at its doorstep, it also had to contend directly with both the Holy Roman Empire and Britain. Gaining a small share would already be the limit. Securing regional hegemony there was simply impossible. That left only the subcontinent and the Far East as viable options. The Far East, however, was constrained by terrain and climate, and its connection with the Russian heartland was extremely difficult. Even the Trans-Siberian Railway had failed to fundamentally change this reality. By comparison, the subcontinent was far more attractive. It was wealthy, easier to govern, and arguably the finest colony in the world. Minister of Internal Affairs Vyacheslav responded, “The eastward strategy has already progressed to this stage. Victory is within sight, and we cannot speak lightly of abandoning it. The southward strategy may look promising now, but in reality it is fraught with difficulties. Setting aside the fact that Britain’s strength in India is far from negligible, we may not even be able to get past our allies. There are so many members in the Continental Alliance. Who does not want a share of that prize? On what grounds could we monopolize it? Even if we did take it, we would likely be forced to give up most of it after the war. The benefits that truly belong to us might not even compare to what we would gain by defeating Japan. There is also a crucial factor we cannot ignore. Given how important India is to Britain, the moment we march in force into India, the British government may well choose to surrender. Without Britain acting as a counterbalance, on what basis could we seize control of India ahead of the Holy Roman Empire?” India was simply too rich a prize. Everyone wanted a piece of it. The Russians were eager, and the other members of the Continental Alliance were no exception. If the Russian Empire truly tried to swallow India whole, it would immediately become the target of universal hostility. To avoid severe backlash, it would sooner or later be forced to disgorge most of its gains. Foreign Minister Mikhailovich added, “The Marquis is correct. On the question of moving south, we must be cautious. Even if we ultimately decide to proceed, it would be best to first communicate with the Austrian government and clearly delineate our respective interests in advance. Relying on our strength alone, we simply do not have the capacity to swallow the Indian subcontinent. Charging ahead blindly could very well leave us choking on more than we can handle.”
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