The shifting tides of international affairs were no longer Franz’s concern. The Holy Roman Empire had just been restored, and a host of problems awaited his attention. The German states were easier to manage, since they were highly autonomous. Once the rights and obligations of both sides were defined, there was little need for the central government to interfere in local affairs, and the matter was largely settled. The Rhineland had been reduced to ruins, with nothing left but a mass of refugees. Postwar reconstruction became the main task of the Austrian government in 1892. The situation in the newly acquired Duchy of Lorraine, Alsace Province, and the Kingdom of Burgundy was even worse. Although these territories had historically belonged to the Holy Roman Empire, the French had ruled them for centuries, firmly establishing their hold. There were some who welcomed the Holy Roman Empire, but they were already a small minority. Most of the population stood on the side of France. Naturally, the Austrian government would not accept such trouble. From the moment the Austrian army occupied these regions, it began expelling the French inhabitants. But matters would not proceed so smoothly. While the French could be sent away, the people of the Holy Roman Empire could not be expelled. This was a tangled issue, for if one traced history far enough back, many people’s ancestors had once been subjects of the Holy Roman Empire. As long as they could speak a few words of Austrian and firmly claimed to be descendants of the Empire, there was no reliable way to tell. Bound by attachment to their homeland, those who could avoid expulsion did everything they could to blend in. Among them were also anti-Austrian elements who used the chance to infiltrate and lie low. Fortunately, the newly gained territories were not vast, and the lack of deep forests and mountains made them unsuitable for guerrilla warfare. Otherwise, with local support, it would have been extremely difficult for the Austrian army to wipe out guerrilla fighters. Even without guerrillas, the region was far from stable. Perhaps inheriting France’s political tradition, as soon as the Austrian government announced the appointment of local government officials, demonstrations and protest movements broke out. “How many people joined the demonstration?” Franz asked coldly. It was clear that he was truly angered. He had seen people being uncooperative before, but never to this extent. If an official appointed by the central government failed in his duties and the locals resisted, Franz could still accept it. But for them to stir up trouble the very moment the appointment was announced had gone far beyond his tolerance. There could be no compromise. If the central government retreated now, its authority would be shattered, and who knew how many other regions would follow suit. Chancellor Karl replied, “In total, about two hundred thousand people joined the protests, especially in Burgundy, where mobs even stormed the government building. According to the intelligence we gathered, several small local parties planned this action. They sought to use demonstrations to pressure the central government into abolishing the press law, opening suffrage, and granting regional autonomy. Once the situation escalated, the garrison immediately took over local control. We have arrested several party members, though unfortunately their leaders fled abroad before the incident.” “Autonomy” was not a new concept. The Holy Roman Empire already had plenty of federated states, not to mention autonomous regions. Yet those territories existed either as historical legacies or under special circumstances that made direct central rule impractical. Clearly, Lorraine, Alsace, and Burgundy, the three border provinces, were not suited for autonomy. While the locals now identified themselves as citizens of the Holy Roman Empire, this was only because the French had been expelled, and many had simply chosen not to flee. Time is a cruel blade. More than a hundred years had passed, and no one could guarantee how deep the people’s sense of belonging to the Empire truly ran. If they were granted autonomy, it was entirely possible that one day they would conspire with the French once again. Franz rubbed his forehead and said slowly, “Issue the highest wanted order to capture these escaped criminals, dead or alive. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs must prepare to propose at the next Continental Alliance meeting that we sign a treaty against transnational crime. We cannot allow overseas territories to become a lawless haven. As for the crowds participating in the demonstrations…” Well, Franz still hesitated. The number of people involved was too large, and no matter who handled it, it would be a headache. “Re-examine the identities of the local populace and root out the French spies who have infiltrated. Those whose cases are serious shall be executed on the spot. The rest shall all be deported. The criteria of assessment are not limited to language. Anyone who has expressed anti-government or anti-social remarks or behavior, anyone with a criminal record, or those who failed to report, deliberately concealed, or sheltered enemy agents must be investigated.” “Investigated,” naturally, was impossible. The remaining population numbered in the millions. To check them one by one might not be possible even within this century. Under such circumstances, only extraordinary measures could be taken. In short, anyone who was a citizen of the Holy Roman Empire was deemed to uphold the Empire, to support the Emperor, to stand firmly against the enemy, and to embody every traditional virtue. Such attempts to divide and endanger the state could never be carried out by true citizens of the Empire. Any participant must therefore be a French spy. There was no such thing as whether or not collective punishment applied. In this age of bloodlines, if someone was French, then naturally their whole family was French too, including all direct and collateral relatives. If they did not take the initiative to report them, then they were all French spies. The expansion of punishment was not Franz’s original intention, but there was no other choice. If these people were not expelled now, it would be difficult to eliminate such hidden dangers in the future. Simply bearing the banner of the Holy Roman Empire was enough to make millions of Frenchmen pledge allegiance. This was nothing short of the treatment reserved for a heaven-sent child of destiny. If the Habsburg dynasty really had such a strong appeal, they would not have been crushed by Napoleon. After political measures failed, Franz decisively chose to activate the fallback plan. From the very beginning, the Austrian government had not intended to gain population from France anyway. The seeds of hatred had long been sown, and now it was only deepening the rift between the two nations. To think of resolving hatred or easing hostilities before this generation was gone was simply unrealistic. Deep down, Franz also felt lingering fear. If these people had been more patient and not exposed themselves so early, they might really have become a hidden danger within Austria. If nothing else, just letting all sorts of chaotic ideas seep in was more frightening than any weapon. Of course, that was impossible now. If France were still strong, their ideas might still hold appeal to intellectuals. But as things stood, what everyone saw in them was only a lesson learned through failure. In this regard, everyone was very pragmatic. If they were to learn, it would be from successes. Failures could only be used as warnings. It was not only outsiders reflecting, even the French themselves were reflecting. As a result, France’s intellectual world became even more chaotic. Some cursed the French revolutionary government, some denounced the monarchy, some attacked the bourgeois capitalists, some blamed the British, some despised the overwhelming numbers of the anti-French coalition, and some even attributed the defeat to “excessive freedom”… A wide variety of ideas were flourishing in Paris at this moment, and it was impossible to determine which of them could truly save France. If the anti-French coalition had not only just begun to withdraw, there might already have been full-scale fighting in Paris. If the Austrian government wished, it could spark a French civil war at any time. With so much turmoil at home, no one had the energy to cause trouble for the Holy Roman Empire. Even if they wanted to, they simply lacked the strength. Chancellor Karl said, “Your Majesty, the situation in France is extremely dire. If we proceed with our contingency plan, I fear the French government will not be able to hold out. According to the intelligence we have gathered, France’s unemployment rate has already surpassed fifty percent, and the number of refugees has exceeded five million, most of them repatriated from other countries. If we send back the remaining several hundred thousand, the number of refugees in France may break the seven million mark. The war has drained France of its lifeblood, and what the French revolutionary government inherited is nothing but a wreck. They have no ability at all to clean up the mess.” In reality, the situation was even worse than Karl described. The French revolutionary government not only lacked money and food but also had only the weakest authority over local governments. It was essentially nothing more than an empty shell. Even the current refugee relief efforts were being led by local governments and nobles, yet many of these local governments were already on the verge of financial collapse. Once they reached their limits and stopped providing aid to refugees, the ticking time bomb would explode. Franz knew full well the terrifying consequences of refugees turning into roaming bandits. It would be like a black hole. Throughout history countless dynasties had been swallowed by that very black hole. “France’s population should have already fallen below thirty million, shouldn’t it?” Chancellor Karl replied firmly, “It already has. Since the war broke out, France has lost over a million to emigration alone, another million have died in battle, and even more have starved to death.” Chancellor Karl replied with certainty, “It already has. Since the outbreak of war, France has lost more than a million to emigration alone, another million have died in battle, and even more have starved to death. The French revolutionary government lacks the administrative capacity to respond effectively and has simply allowed the crisis to worsen. To stabilize the situation, coalition troops stationed in France have already launched several operations to suppress rebel forces.” Franz nodded, fell silent in thought for a moment, and then slowly said, “Since the French revolutionary government is beyond saving, we may as well push them aside and rebuild. Activate the contingency plan. Once the French government collapses, we will support the restoration of a royal house. That way, they can no longer drag their feet, pretending for so long without even managing to choose a king.” Interests shape perspectives. As a beneficiary of the monarchical system, Franz naturally sought to preserve it. Conveniently, France had no shortage of royal families. With the Bonapartes finished, the Bourbons and the Orléans were still waiting in reserve. After the formation of the Continental Alliance, its very first resolution was to demand the restoration of the French monarchy. As the defeated party, France had no strength to refuse. But when it came to implementation, the decision—one that gravely undermined the interests of the French revolutionary government—was met with resistance. Since they could not openly reject it, the French government pushed the matter onto the Parliament. Parliamentary inefficiency being what it was, dragging things out for three to five years without results was perfectly normal. As a rule-abiding hegemon, Austria could not simply interfere in another country’s internal affairs just because the French were slow. And so the matter was left hanging. With no progress, the Continental Alliance’s humanitarian aid plan for France was also shelved. Franz had originally intended to wait them out, using food supplies as leverage to force the French government to yield. Yet the French government, stubborn as a mule, clung tightly to power, acting as though by sheer persistence they could compel Austria to compromise, just so long as they kept up their reparations payments. But such threats meant nothing to Franz. France’s indemnities were indeed large in total, but the immediate installment was a mere ten million guilders, with only a few million allocated to Austria. For other countries this might be a fortune, but for the Holy Roman Empire it was little more than a single day’s revenue. If it was lost, so be it. Missing a day’s income would not plunge Austria into famine. For the sake of his own peace of mind, Franz decided it was time to kick out the disobedient and incompetent French revolutionary government, and replace it with one that would listen.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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