One of the main reasons for Japan’s success lay in its ability to recognize the times. From the very beginning of the Meiji Restoration, the Japanese government strove to cling to Britain, though John Bull never truly regarded them as worthy of much attention, nor accepted them as a ready-made small ally. Yet decades of persistence left an impression. In the arena of international rivalry, however, impressions alone were never enough. What truly mattered was seizing the right opportunity. For the Japanese, the present moment was without question the best chance. The international situation was shifting like storm clouds, and Britain, isolated by European society, was in urgent need of allies. A hegemon carries itself with the dignity of a hegemon. Britain wanted allies, not pets, and would not take in every stray dog and cat. In the original timeline, Japan had proven its strength in the Sino-Japanese War, which earned Britain’s recognition and turned Japan into the vanguard against Russia in the Far East. The same pattern now repeated itself. In the struggle for the Philippine Islands, Japan’s display of strength made Britain look upon them with new regard, opening the door to further contact. … On Downing Street, since the outcome of the Continental War had been decided, Prime Minister Gladstone had not slept well. He seemed to have aged ten years in the span of months. The recently concluded Vienna Conference dealt Britain a near-fatal blow. The once formidable French Empire had been crippled, its hands and feet severed, leaving it powerless in the short term. As feared, the union of Germany and Austria had indeed come to pass, and the revived Holy Roman Empire emerged as the new master of Europe. Unlike past makeshift hegemons, this one possessed immense and overwhelming strength, enough to make any challenger falter. Reality proved once again that there is no such thing as the worst, only worse still. As France’s supporter, Britain had long stood firmly on the opposite side of the anti-French coalition. Even if they struck back at the last moment, that did not mean things were over. With the protection of the Channel in place, the anti-French coalition naturally had no ability to carry out a direct reckoning against them. Lack of direct reckoning did not mean abandoning revenge. At the final stage of the Vienna Conference, the anti-French coalition revealed its sharp edge, and the “Continental Alliance” with Austria at its core emerged. As the name suggests, the Continental Alliance was naturally a coalition formed by the countries of continental Europe. Although Britain also belonged to Europe, it was a maritime power, so the Continental Alliance had nothing to do with them. From the wording alone, Gladstone knew well that Austria was pulling countries together to form the Continental Alliance in order to seize the right of discourse. Whether they liked it or not, Britain, excluded from the group, lost its voice on the European continent. And that was not even the worst part. The even worse part was that no one had stipulated the Continental Alliance could only handle continental affairs. If the Austrian government wished, it could very well use this alliance to interfere in international matters. The strength of the Continental Alliance far surpassed the combined total of the remaining countries. In this era where the biggest fist dictated the truth, the power of speech that came with it was naturally unparalleled. In other words, Britain’s hegemonic position was being shaken. Even though they still possessed the world’s foremost Royal Navy, when facing the strange creation that was the Continental Alliance, they still had no confidence at all. What had seemed at first like a struggle between Britain and Austria turned out to be a script gone wrong, transforming into a contest between Britain and the Continental Alliance. Fortunately, the play was not yet finished, otherwise Britain would already be doomed. “The Foreign Office has already been in contact with Russia, Spain, the Nordic Federation, and several other countries. On the whole, the outlook is far from optimistic. Everyone’s confidence in the Holy Roman Empire is far greater than we anticipated. Now all we can do is wait for the enemy to make mistakes, then look for an opportunity to split the Continental Alliance. As long as this alliance remains intact, we will always be on the defensive and can do nothing about the Holy Roman Empire hiding behind it.” It was clear that George was in a foul mood. As Britain’s Foreign Secretary, with international affairs having deteriorated to this point, earning the title of “the worst Foreign Secretary in British history” was already a certainty. That his political rivals had not seized the chance to attack him was not out of sympathy, nor because they had any integrity, but simply because no one wanted to take over this mess. Once the dust settled, it would be time for him to step down. By contrast, other members of the Cabinet were faring much better. No matter how badly the international situation had worsened, Britain had profited immensely from the continental war. Much of the wealth the French had accumulated flowed into Britain through trade, and the British Isles were now enjoying a period of great economic prosperity. In the long run, the poor decisions of the British government had placed Britain in an awkward position, but in the short term every social class had gained something, and the public’s impression of the government remained fairly positive. In truth, George was overthinking. The title of “the worst Foreign Secretary in history” would only be assigned to him by later generations. For now, the British public had no idea what had really been lost. Since Britain had secured French warships through diplomacy, consolidating the Royal Navy’s dominance, the voices criticizing the Foreign Office had already diminished. Gladstone waved his hand dismissively and said, “Take it slow. We’re in no hurry. The Holy Roman Empire has only just been re-established, and it still has a mountain of internal problems. For a long time to come, the Austrian government will be busy sorting out domestic affairs and won’t have the capacity to focus on us. As for the anti-French coalition, it isn’t a solid bloc. For now, the nations have only come together out of temporary need. At the Vienna Conference, France was severely weakened and its threat to the other powers was greatly reduced. Once that sense of danger fades, the alliance will be finished. Don’t be fooled by how formidable the Holy Roman Empire looks right now. The more aggressively they act, the more easily they will arouse the suspicions of the other powers. France is the best example of that. What worries me is if they don’t make trouble. If the Austrian government keeps up its current international image and refrains from stirring up the continent, then we’ll have a real problem.” The defeat of France also delivered a heavy blow to Britain. Both the public and the government busied themselves with analyzing the reasons, and the final conclusion they reached startled even themselves. There was no way around it. The cause of France’s downfall applied equally well to Britain: they had made too many enemies. France had offended many, but Britain had provoked no fewer. If not for the protection of the Channel, the very survival of Britain would have been uncertain. Reflection was one thing, but reflection alone could not change reality. With the Continental Alliance now firmly established, no European power would consider allying with Britain again. Even the defeated France was no exception. Many Frenchmen now believed their loss had been the result of British betrayal, and that the French revolutionary government was nothing more than a puppet propped up by Britain. In a sense, this was not entirely unjust. The very first stop for exiled French revolutionaries had been London. Without the shelter of the British government, that band of men would have long since been crushed by the Bonaparte dynasty. On the surface, if Britain had not driven the knife in at the last moment, but instead thrown in its full support, the French might well have ended the war on more honorable terms. Even after defeat, many proud Frenchmen could not bring themselves to admit that their loss was the result of their own weakness. They needed an excuse they could live with. Under the careful guidance of certain parties, conspiracy theories quickly flourished. Britain, meeting every condition of suspicion, was thrust into the center of the storm. Yet in the end, this was a trifling matter. Post-defeat France no longer merited the attention of the British government. Beyond shouting and railing, it was incapable of doing anything at all. Foreign Minister George said, “There is another issue. The Japanese want to purchase warships from us to counter the Spanish expeditionary fleet. The Foreign Office suggests agreeing to this. With the end of the continental war, the victorious Spaniards have become restless. Some newspapers in Madrid have even voiced calls to reclaim the Strait of Gibraltar. Although it is not yet a real movement, we still have to stay alert. If Austria stirs things up behind the scenes, overconfident Spaniards might do something foolish. To prevent the worst from happening, it would be best to find an opportunity to remind the Spaniards of reality. Anyway, with the French Navy disappearing like smoke, the pressure on the Royal Navy has already been greatly reduced. We are about to receive a large number of French warships, and for a long time in the future the Royal Navy will face the problem of having more warships than it can use. Taking this chance to dispose of some surplus ships by selling them to the Japanese would not only let them drain Spain’s strength, but also save us a considerable amount of money.” The trouble of having too many warships is currently something only the British can enjoy. The Royal Navy already had a massive fleet, and now with the addition of most of the French fleet, the issue ahead is not the lack of ships but the lack of men to sail them. Since a major warship auction had just ended, the international arms market was oversaturated. Aside from Japan, there was no other buyer. First Lord of the Admiralty Astley cursed, “Do not bring up those French ships to me! Those damned Austrians dumped a pile of junk on us, and nearly a tenth of them are on the verge of being retired. As for the engineers and shipbuilding technology they promised, it is all nonsense. Their so-called engineers are nothing more than a group of laborers. The transferred shipbuilding documents were all mixed together, most of them for sailing ships. Even if some of the French core technologies are buried within, it will take us a long time to identify them.” As the world’s second largest naval power, the French navy also possessed very substantial strength. Although overall it could not compare to Britain, in certain fields it ranked first in the world. No one would ever allow a rival to grow unchecked, and Austria was no exception. To strike at competitors, they would use every possible means. From the start, the Royal Navy never expected to obtain the French’s core technologies. Even if the Austrians dared to hand them over, the British would not have dared to use them directly. Still, Astley could not help but feel displeased at having been played. His mood grew worse when he learned that they were the only ones to enjoy such special treatment. “The capital ships are fine. Do not mention a few minor flaws. In any case, these warships have consolidated the Royal Navy’s dominant position. In the long run, Austria will be our greatest enemy, but in the short term, the biggest threat remains the Russians. The Russian government has already announced the initiation of the Central Asian Railway project. Once they realized they could not break through on the European continent, their strategy shifted toward India. Mere passive defense will never suffice. We must find ways to take the initiative. Everyone knows how complex Afghanistan’s geography is. To strike the Russians, the best course is to open up a new front. Our options are already limited. The Nordic Federation cannot be relied upon. Apart from continuing to support the Persians, we must also find the Russians an enemy in the Far East so that the Russian government will be stretched thin. Of course, we cannot give up on the East Indies either. With the formation of the Continental Alliance, our position there has already fallen behind. If the Spaniards were to regain the Philippine Islands, the situation would become even more unfavorable for us. Send someone from the Admiralty to assess the strength of the Japanese navy. If possible, let them become a nail we can drive into the East Indies.” Having made this decision, Gladstone was also very helpless. He knew full well that this was only a temporary fix and not a permanent solution, but there was no alternative. For now, Britain could only choose to address the symptoms first.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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