President Robert, soft-eared and unable to withstand the repeated persuasion of the crowd, finally gave in. On June 6, 1892, Robert, on behalf of France, signed the Treaty of Vienna with Wessenberg, the representative of the Anti-French Coalition. The contents of the treaty are as follows: 1: France acknowledges defeat and assumes responsibility for the war. 2: France abolishes its suzerainty over Andorra, Monaco, and the Italian states, recognizing their independence. 3: France cedes the Duchy of Lorraine, the Province of Alsace, parts of the Kingdom of Burgundy, the County of Flanders, the County of Artois, the Duchy of Savoy, parts of Provence, the island of Corsica, and the region of Roussillon to the Anti-French Coalition (a total area of 125,000 square kilometers). 4: France shall pay the Anti-French Coalition war reparations amounting to 40 billion guilders, to be paid over 99 years, with a monthly interest rate of 0.5%. (Note: reparations are to be paid on an annually increasing basis, with the first payment set at 15 million guilders. From 1893, the annual amount increases by 1.5 million guilders; from 1901, it increases by 3 million guilders annually; from 1911, it increases by 5 million guilders annually, and so on.) 5: The active French army shall not exceed 50,000 men, while militia reserves shall not exceed 100,000. The army shall not be equipped with tanks, armored vehicles, or artillery with a caliber greater than 100mm. The navy shall not exceed 5,000 men, no battleship shall exceed 5,000 tons, and the total tonnage of warships shall not exceed 50,000 tons. No aerial forces, including airships or airplanes, may be developed. 6: All domestic armament factories shall be closed. France shall not engage in any research or manufacturing of military industry, and all army and navy equipment must be procured from Austria, Russia, Prussia, and other allied states. 7: Until all reparations are fully paid, the coalition has the right to station troops in France. In peacetime, the number of stationed troops shall not exceed 250,000, and 80% of military expenses shall be borne by the French government. 8: France shall cede its overseas colonies in Africa and the Americas to Austria. … Looking at the copy of the Treaty of Versailles before him, or rather, a treaty even harsher than the Treaty of Versailles, Franz was left speechless for a long time. By now, all the value of the historical knowledge from his previous life had been lost. Whether this decision was right or wrong, Franz himself did not know. In any case, it was the collective will of the anti-French coalition. The French could only be considered unlucky, running into a group of allies who all wanted to weaken them, unlike in the original timeline when Britain and America still wished to preserve Germany’s strength. Originally, the Russians had also wanted to leave France with some strength to balance Austria, but unfortunately the Russian government could not bear to give up the war indemnity. Twenty percent of forty billion guilders, that was eight billion guilders. Who would dare propose abandoning such a huge sum? Whoever did so would have their head cut off by the Russian nobility. With this immense fortune, the funds for the southern campaign into India would be complete. Once India was taken, whether or not Austria was balanced would no longer matter. The only regret was that the money would not arrive all at once, delaying their grand southern expedition. Still, steady payments were not bad either, allowing the Russian government to patch its financial holes over the long term. Having taken their share, Russia could no longer oppose the partition of France. Even if they wanted to, it would be pointless. On the matter of weakening France, the other powers stood even firmer than Austria and would never give Russia face. Unless the Russian government was willing to give up the indemnities and overturn the table at all costs by allying with Britain. But that was clearly impossible. Nothing was greater than interest. The Russian government was rational and would never bleed itself dry to aid France. In any case, with the war on the continent finally settled, the weight on Franz’s heart was at last lifted. After so many years of effort, Austria, situated at the crossroads of conflict, had at last rid itself of the embarrassment of fighting on multiple fronts. Looking back, Franz himself still found it unbelievable. Over the past forty years, Austria had successively dealt with three great enemies: Prussia, the Ottomans, and France. With the pressure gone, Franz felt a weight lift from his shoulders. After a moment of silent reflection, he quickly made a decision: “Arrange the withdrawal according to the terms of the treaty. But as for handing over the prisoners of war, that must be delayed. Only when the situation in France has completely stabilized should we send them back, lest it spark unnecessary unrest.” The treaty had to be honored, yet the finer details were open to interpretation. Franz’s concern was not unfounded. Judging from the present situation, once the main coalition forces pulled out, turmoil in France seemed almost inevitable. If the prisoners were released, could the occupation troops left behind in France keep control of the situation? That was far from certain. Should the situation collapse, another joint intervention would be required. Austria’s national strength could just about sustain such an effort, but its allies were unlikely to endure another round. Franz understood all too well the terror of a people’s war. He had no doubts about the determination of the French populace to rise in revolution. The harsh terms of the Treaty of Vienna alone were enough to set the powder keg ablaze at the slightest spark. And once chaos erupted, it would not be something that could be settled by a single intervention. The anti-French coalition could only bear so much. If they were forced to intervene again and again, in the end their resolve would simply fall apart. To avoid the worst possible outcome, the best course of action was still to hold on to the millions of prisoners of war. Without them serving as the main force, even if the old, weak, sick, and disabled among the population stirred up trouble, the threat would remain limited. Chancellor Karl said, “It is better to withdraw our troops sooner rather than later. After all, the Allies’ logistics have always been supplied by us. A timely withdrawal would mean one less expense for the government. But delaying the release of the prisoners of war is troublesome. As of now, the Allies hold 4.12 million captives. Just feeding, clothing, and sheltering them is a massive burden. The war is already over, and the international community has its eyes on us...” Troublesome was putting it lightly. They were nothing less than a ticking time bomb. The captives in Africa were manageable, as they were currently contributing to afforestation projects, at least having some stable work. The prisoners in Europe were another matter. Because of the deep-seated hatred, they had to be kept strictly apart from the population. Not even postwar reconstruction dared make use of them. These men could only remain idly in their camps, growing restless and constantly stirring up problems that were at once absurd and frustrating. Franz rubbed his forehead and said helplessly, “Then release the Italian prisoners first, let the governments of the Italian states come and claim their own people. As for the French prisoners, release those who behave well first, five thousand per day. If the prisoners cause trouble? The enemy has already surrendered. Are we supposed to fear a bunch of captives? If the political repercussions are a concern, then let the Russians handle them on our behalf. They have plenty of experience in this matter. Even the stubborn Ottomans ended up being tamed by them, did they not?” At times, Franz could not help but feel a touch of envy toward the Russians. They acted however they pleased, brushing aside international opinion as if it were nothing. He had originally thought that once the Ottomans were resettled into the Russian Empire, trouble would surely arise. Franz was even prepared to offer the Russian government subsidies for consolation. Reality proved him wrong. Perhaps the winter was simply too harsh to allow any unrest, or perhaps those who had already endured the brutal lessons of society had learned to adapt. In any case, the Ottomans who entered the Russian Empire remained remarkably quiet. After all, among those who had once migrated to Siberia, two thirds had already perished, leaving few with the courage to stir up trouble. With such a successful precedent, Franz did not mind outsourcing the matter again. The costs required might even be lower than direct administration. One only had to look at military expenditures to see it. Russian officers were well-versed in cost control, with a knack for achieving the most with the least. … Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, “Your Majesty, these are the troop numbers from each country. The total force amounts to 249,000: Russia has deployed 120,000, Spain 70,000, Belgium 30,000, Switzerland 11,000, and Sardinia 8,000…” The garrisoning of France was not Austria’s concern. In fact, the Anti-French Coalition nearly came to blows among themselves, each fighting for the chance to secure a share of the occupation. On the surface, it seemed that the French were bearing 80% of the military expenses, yet the calculation was misleading. The baseline for expenses was determined by the average costs of the Austrian army, and the existence of armored units had raised that average considerably. Not every country’s army was so costly to maintain. For instance, the per capita expense of Russian troops was less than half that of Austria’s. Thus, while garrisoning France, the Russian government not only had its army supported by others but even managed to profit from it. For neighboring countries, this held even greater significance. Stationing their armies right at the border meant that someone else would shoulder the cost of their upkeep, without affecting their own resources in the slightest. Beyond these visible, straightforward benefits, the hidden profits were what everyone truly sought. France’s wealth was considerable. Even after being ransacked by the coalition, what remained was still plentiful. Of course, outright plundering the countryside was the worst approach. The greatest profits from stationing troops came not from direct seizure, but from smuggling. As long as goods were carried under the label of military supplies, the French had no right to interfere, and tariffs could be perfectly evaded. Smuggling, however, had its limits. To maximize profits, restraint was essential. With so many members in the anti-French coalition, without some rules to keep order, the underground market would soon collapse. What everyone was scrambling for now was not only the right to station troops, but also a share of this underground smuggling trade. Austria did not take part, not because it looked down on the market, but because the Austrian government had already claimed the most valuable prize of all: talent. If not for the chaos of the times, people would have noticed that France’s finest scientists and engineers had already taken their families and emigrated en masse. Franz was utterly uncompromising in this matter. Whether or not they could be put to use, he first ensured they were brought over. It could be said that after this campaign, France’s pool of high-level talent had been abruptly severed, and even thirty years might not be enough to recover. Such a sweeping move had not caused an uproar in the outside world only because the coalition had cooperated in keeping it quiet. In return, Austria relinquished its claim to the French underground smuggling market.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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