As time went on, the surging anti-French movement in the German states gradually spread into Austria. Although calls to sever Franco-Austrian trade were not particularly loud, the public outcry to boycott French goods was constant and widespread. As a result, in the first quarter of 1889, the total value of Franco-Austrian import and export trade plummeted by 36.8% compared to the same period the previous year. It became nearly impossible to find products with French labels on the market. Austria was not the only one affected. Driven by economic interests, the anti-French wave began to spread across the entire European world. Even in Britain, which had just formed an alliance with France, movements to boycott French goods erupted as well. Capital only cares about profit, regardless of diplomatic ties. Business rivals are natural enemies. If French goods were being boycotted, then local products could gain more market share. Why miss the chance to make more money? Watching as Europe offered real support to the German states through their actions, the French government at the center of the storm began to panic. Wasn’t this just a case of the strong bullying the weak? That was standard practice among great powers. Why was it not working for them? Upon receiving news of the Europe-wide boycott, Napoleon IV was completely dumbfounded. He had no idea why this was happening. Foreign Minister Émile Flourens said, “Your Majesty, for Europe to suddenly launch a boycott against us, someone must be pulling the strings behind the scenes. It definitely wouldn’t be the Germans. If they had that kind of influence, they would have used it long ago instead of trying to compromise with us. To sway public opinion across so many European countries against us, only Britain and Austria have that kind of power. This is likely just the beginning. If we fail to respond properly, our enemies will surely follow up with more targeted actions.” The truth no longer mattered. That pile of blame had to be pushed onto someone else. Otherwise, the French Foreign Ministry would look incompetent for failing to act in time to contain the spread of the anti-French movement. Minister of the Economy, Ezra, said, “No matter who the enemy is, the current situation cannot continue. Every day we delay causes massive damage to our domestic economy.” France’s withdrawal from the free trade system did not mean it was no longer dependent on the international market. On the contrary, the French economy remained deeply intertwined with global trade. As long as France needed to import industrial raw materials, it would have to export industrial and commercial goods in order to earn foreign exchange and maintain a balanced trade flow. Now that France was being boycotted across Europe, its exports had dropped sharply, seriously affecting the survival of domestic export businesses. Napoleon IV had a headache. There were only two options in front of them: either hold out and wait for the news to fade before taking action, or abandon the aggressive terms and calm the situation. Of course, there was also a third option, to strike without hesitation. But there was no doubt that the third option was out of the question. If the rest of Europe had not joined the response, Napoleon IV might have dared to take the risk. But now, it was clearly not viable. Since the rise of nationalism, public opinion had become dangerous to provoke. Choosing to go against the will of the European people could spark a new wave of anti-French war. In this regard, the French public had already set a precedent. During the Polish revolution, they had spontaneously organized volunteer forces. If the countries along the route had allowed passage, they might have actually made it there. Considering how others might act based on how France had, Napoleon IV had to weigh the risks. The most frustrating thing was the lack of support from their British allies. Not only did Britain fail to help, but they even joined in the uproar. Still, this could not entirely be blamed on the British. Germany and Britain had always maintained good relations and were just one step away from becoming allies. At best, one could say they were unofficial partners. Even though Britain now needed France’s support, it would not easily abandon the pieces it had cultivated. The fact that Britain did not openly oppose the French government was already giving France face. Prime Minister Terence Bourquin advised, “From all signs, it is clear that the Austrian government has made a move. Britain is likely stirring the pot behind the scenes as well. From the very beginning, the British government opposed our use of extreme measures against Germany. If the situation escalates, we will struggle to gain any support. We have already tested the limits of other countries. Now is the time to stop. Let things cool down for a while. Once the situation has calmed, we can strike again when the time is right.” Does this mean backing down? The answer is no. Although the international situation appeared polarized between two major alliances, true confrontation had not yet arrived. Even Britain and Russia, whose relationship was the worst, had not gone to war. This meant that if France acted rashly against Germany, it could face joint intervention from three powers. Even if Britain chose to go along passively out of loyalty to its ally, France would still be unable to face the combined power of both the Russian and Austrian empires. After a moment’s hesitation, Napoleon IV reluctantly nodded. “Yes, we should hold back for now. Lodge a protest with the Austrian government and strongly condemn their shameless slander of France. Britain is about to occupy the Afghan region, right? Let them push forward. Also, secretly send envoys to Russia and inform them that we no longer oppose their move toward the Indian Ocean.” Europe was simply too small to accommodate four major powers. Austria and Russia had deep tensions, and Britain and France had even more. If an opportunity arose to destroy one another, none of them would hesitate. Alliances were temporary, but rivalries had lasted for centuries. Austria wanted to stir up war in Central Asia to weaken both Britain and Russia. Was France any different? Otherwise, why would Napoleon IV accept a vague promise from Britain? As for the Central European issue, that could wait until Britain and Russia went to war. Once those two were no longer interfering, France could again dominate Europe. … At the Hofburg Palace in Vienna, after receiving the protest from the French government, Franz silently accepted the blame. Explaining? That was not going to happen. Taking the fall in exchange for the support of the German people was a trade Franz saw no reason to reject. Even though this storm was truly not his doing, and Austria lacked the ability to influence so many countries’ public opinion in such a short time, since France insisted it was Austria’s fault, and Franz was happy to take the blame, then the matter was considered settled. The governments of other European countries who had quietly allowed the anti-French movement to grow were probably now grateful to Austria for shouldering all of France’s anger alone. As for whether anyone would step forward to claim credit, that was unlikely. Offending the French to this extent is something only Austria has enough to gain from, who else would dare take on that burden? Did anyone really think France was a pushover? If this had been a small country, the French government wouldn’t have protested at all. They would have taken direct action. As long as there was a justification, France could attack without fear of a European backlash. A simple beating and a demand for war reparations would not trigger a united European response. Setting the document down, Franz smiled and said, “Since the French have delivered themselves to us, we shouldn’t waste their kindness. Launch a media campaign in the German states so everyone knows what efforts we’ve made to protect our fellow Germans’ interests.”
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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