While the French were making small moves, the Russians also launched the Central Asian War. Frankly speaking, March and April weren’t the best time to attack, but there was no choice; the Russian government needed to seize the moment. Austria had lost contact with the Afghan government, and the Russian government wasn’t in much better shape. Although they had been cultivating influence for longer, they couldn’t overcome the lack of diligence of the Russian bureaucrats! The war had barely begun when both sides lost contact. In the eyes of the Russian high command, the lack of communication certainly meant no good news. To gain the initiative in the war, the Russian military was forced to launch the offensive ahead of schedule. Every coin has two sides. At this time, the melting snow put a strain on the Russian army’s logistics, but the Central Asian Khanates weren’t doing much better. Although their logistics were less pressured due to fighting on their own territory, the outbreak of war at this time affected the spring planting. For agricultural countries, this was undoubtedly fatal. Although the Central Asian states didn’t entirely rely on farming, with animal husbandry also being an important industry, the impact was still enormous. There was no choice. The Russian army had invaded, and the able-bodied young men were forced to enlist, drastically reducing the labor force engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry. Reduced agricultural and livestock production became inevitable. While it might not seem obvious in the short term, it actually affected the war potential of the three Central Asian Khanates. In a sense, the Russians had already secured victory in advance. However, none of this was within General Onetz’s considerations. From beginning to end, he hadn’t regarded the Central Asian states as true adversaries. The goal of the offensive was a swift victory, to quickly push the front lines to the Afghan region and engage the British in a decisive battle. Against this backdrop, the long-term strategic advantages against the Central Asian states naturally seemed meaningless. “Send telegrams to urge the motherland to speed things up. If this continues, we’ll be forced to halt our advance for at most half a month.” As the war progressed, the chaotic logistical management of the Russian army gradually became apparent. As the supreme commander in the Central Asian region, General Onetz had to go through domestic coordination to obtain logistical supplies. In peacetime, this wasn’t a problem. The government’s unified allocation of strategic materials could effectively keep the military in check. However, in wartime, it seemed out of place. If the Russian government’s bureaucrats were efficient, the problem wouldn’t be too serious, at most causing a delay of one or two days. For a great power, sacrificing a little efficiency wasn’t unacceptable. Unfortunately, the Russian government’s bureaucracy was steadily declining. The reformists who had driven national progress during the reign of Alexander II had now become a corrupt and conservative faction. Alexander III wasn’t a decisive ruler, and the Russian Empire’s system had its flaws, inevitably leading to some shortcomings in controlling the bureaucratic class. The middle-aged officer in charge of logistics replied, “Commander, we’ve already sent five urgent telegrams. Except for the first two that received a response, the subsequent ones have vanished without a trace. If there are no surprises, this telegram will likely meet the same fate. Perhaps these telegrams aren’t even reaching the Minister of Logistics.” Intercepting frontline telegrams would be impossible in other countries, but it was perfectly normal in the Russian Empire. The slow transportation of logistical supplies wasn’t necessarily because the Russian Empire lacked transport capacity; the greater possibility was that the transport capacity originally belonging to the military had been seized by others. The intensity of the Central Asian War wasn’t very high, and the front lines had also stockpiled some supplies. Materials like food and tents were readily available. What truly needed to be transported from the homeland were mainly ammunition, medicine, and military supplies not suitable for long-term storage. The demand for transport capacity wasn’t very large. Due to the muddy roads, there might be delays, but it could still barely keep up. Before launching the offensive, the Russian military had already calculated everything. If they had initially determined that logistical supplies would be insufficient, General Onetz wouldn’t have launched the offensive so early, no matter what. Upon hearing this news, General Onetz’s face became terrifyingly gloomy. It wasn’t that he hadn’t fought wars or hadn’t seen people screw things up, but he had never encountered such a blatant betrayal. Perhaps it was related to luck as Onetz hadn’t participated in the first Russo-Prussian War. During the Second Russo-Prussian War, the unit he served in advanced along the Russo-Austrian border, and logistical supplies were procured locally. No matter how much the quartermaster screwed up, it would only cause a delay of a day or two at most. The Third Near East War was even simpler. Austria was responsible for supplying the logistics, and they just had to send people to receive them without worrying about it at all. His good luck had finally run out. Fighting in the Central Asian region, with all logistical supplies dependent on the homeland, General Onetz finally experienced the effectiveness of the bureaucrats firsthand. “Why wasn’t such an important matter reported earlier?” The bureaucrats back home were formidable, and those on the front lines were no less so. The logistics department hadn’t replied three times, and they could conceal such a crucial matter from him, the commander. It was truly exasperating. The middle-aged officer being questioned replied nervously, “We thought the logistics department was just busy with official duties and temporarily forgot to reply. We didn’t expect…” Before the middle-aged officer could continue explaining, General Onetz erupted, directly swinging the cup in front of him and throwing it. “You thought? Everything is what you thought? Then what do you need me, the commander, for? Perhaps you think that since your unit is under the logistics department, I, the commander, can’t touch you? Or are you saying you think the military law of the Russian Empire isn’t strict enough and you want to try it out?” The barrage of questions directly terrified the middle-aged officer, leaving him momentarily speechless. Frankly speaking, they were just punching bags caught between the logistics department and the front-line command. Their organizational affiliation was with the logistics department, and their promotions were handled domestically, so naturally, they couldn’t afford to offend the powerful figures in the rear. The key was that they were also under the control of the front-line command. For middle and lower-ranking officers, the logistics department was undoubtedly a lucrative and powerful office, but for General Onetz, the commander, they were merely subordinate departments of the general headquarters. General Onetz might not be able to decide their promotions, but he could decide their life and death. The corruption in the Russian Empire was notorious, and those managing logistics were even more so, definitely severely affected by corruption. If no one investigated, then nothing would happen. But if someone tried to uncover the truth, responsibility would still be pursued. This was the battlefield. As long as General Onetz had the evidence, he could execute any involved bureaucrat at any time on charges of corrupting military supplies. “Commander... Commander…” Before the middle-aged officer could explain, Onetz waved his hand and said, “Alright, Kratsvali. I know you all have your difficulties and can’t control what happens back home. But remember, this is the battlefield. Regardless of anyone or anything, everything must yield to the war effort. I believe you understand my meaning. I don’t care what methods you use, you must guarantee the supply of logistical materials to me. Anyone who hinders me will lose their head. You can convey this message to those gentlemen back home. Once there is a shortage of supplies on the battlefield, or if there are problems with the materials, I will go back to His Majesty the Tsar for judgment. I believe the great Tsar will surely see everything clearly and root out those in the government who are colluding with the British and deliberately delaying the war effort.” Killing wouldn’t solve the problem, and Kratsvali wasn’t the one creating it. Onetz wasn’t an idealist. He had no intention of purging the parasites in the Russian government, as long as those people didn’t cause trouble for him. Bureaucrats like Kratsvali were far too numerous in the Russian Empire; eliminating one would simply bring another, an endless cycle. It might even incite resentment and solidarity among the logistics department, leading them to deliberately create problems for him. There were precedents for such things, and General Onetz didn't want to risk it. After giving them a warning, he decisively chose to quit while he was ahead. As for regaining control over the allocation of logistical supplies, with the military coordinating its own supply, that was a pipe dream. Holding both military power and control over provisions, unless the Tsar himself led the troops, the domestic government wouldn’t trust anyone with that authority. The most basic checks and balances were universal. Trying to break the rules meant touching a taboo. General Onetz had political awareness and naturally wouldn’t jump into that pit. General Onetz’s “warning,” in Kratsvali’s eyes, was a harsh blow more terrifying than a demon. Once the charge of “colluding with the British” was substantiated, everyone in the logistics department, without exception, would be collectively finished. It wouldn’t just be personal misfortune, even their families would be ruined. Regardless of nobility or not, since Alexander II’s reforms, the Russian Empire had no tradition of sparing nobles. In ordinary times, embezzlement and bribery are minor mistakes and don’t matter. Everyone is doing it and the law doesn’t punish the majority. But colluding with the British was treason. When had the Russian government ever been lenient with traitors? Seeing Onetz’s gaze turn towards him, Kratsvali quickly assured him, “Commander, please rest assured. I will definitely urge the homeland to transport the supplies as quickly as possible.” … At the Saint Petersburg headquarters of the Russian army’s logistics department, Minister Argenyev, who was on duty, was idly reading a newspaper to pass the time. Suddenly, a middle-aged man holding a telegram rushed in. Argenyev said with displeasure, “What’s the matter, Paselov?” Paselov said with a wry smile, “Minister, there’s no time to delay now. If we’re any slower, something major will happen. This is a telegram from the front lines. That fellow Onetz is warning us that if the logistical supplies aren’t delivered in time, he’ll accuse us to His Majesty the Tsar of colluding with the British.” Argenyev’s expression changed drastically, and he cursed angrily, “Preposterous! How can the logistics department be threatened by him? Paselov, you’re making too much fuss. Since Onetz wants to complain, then let him complain! Such an absurd accusation, how could His Majesty the Tsar believe it? Order the transport units to find an excuse and deliberately delay, let’s see what he can do!” Being threatened was secondary, what Argenyev feared more was others following suit. If they yielded to Onetz’s threat, and future Russian generals followed suit, wouldn’t the logistics department be at everyone’s mercy? Paselov shook his head. “Minister, I’m afraid that won’t work. If Onetz dares to threaten us, he probably has some evidence in hand. According to what Kratsvali said in his telegram, our use of military trains to transport goods for capitalists has been exposed. If Onetz brings this out in the open and insists that we are colluding with the British and deliberately delaying the shipment of strategic materials, there will definitely be a thorough investigation domestically. What will happen then is very hard to say.” Hearing this explanation, Argenyev instantly realized the gravity of the situation. Once it was proven that the logistics department had deliberately delayed the shipment of strategic materials, whether they had colluded with the British wouldn’t require evidence; it would be up to the Tsar to decide. Considering the importance of this war, Argenyev had reason to believe that Alexander III would use their heads to deter the domestic bureaucracy. Similar events had already occurred during the Russo-Prussian War. The top officials of the logistics department at that time had been executed by Alexander II. Learning from past mistakes, the bureaucrats in the logistics department already knew what they couldn’t do. Upon realizing this, Argenyev made a decisive decision: “Then what are we waiting for? Immediately start organizing the transportation and get the supplies to the front lines as quickly as possible. Don’t give Onetz any grounds to complain.” In short, as long as the logistical supplies arrived at the front on time, the issue of lending military trains to capitalists was a trivial matter not worth mentioning. Even if someone exposed it, the logistics department could handle it without attracting the Russian government’s attention. Conversely, the consequences would be severe. Paselov said with difficulty, “Minister, it’s not that we don’t want to hurry, but the military trains have already been lent out. If we go back on our word now, we’ll offend a lot of people. You must know that those capitalists aren’t without connections. There are too many powerful figures involved behind them.” This was the reality. Ordinary capitalists, no matter how wealthy, wouldn’t dare to borrow military trains to transport their own goods during wartime. The integrity of Russian bureaucrats wasn’t high so reneging on deals and simply seizing their goods was child’s play. If they encountered ruthless individuals, they might even be framed for misusing military trains, leading to their homes being raided and their families exterminated. Those who dared to bribe the logistics department and borrow military trains had powerful figures backing them, capable of withstanding such risks. Having regained his composure, Argenyev sneered, “Just inform them. If they have grievances, let them direct their resentment towards Onetz! Don’t be afraid of offending people! This kind of thing can’t see the light of day anyway. If it really blows up, we will certainly be finished, but those people won’t fare any better.”
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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