Albrecht stated, “From the current situation, it seems that the coalition forces will successfully converge at the Kızılırmak River next month, essentially completing the first phase of our military operations. To better adapt to the battlefield conditions and bring this war to a swift conclusion, the coalition command has decided to adjust our military deployment. After dividing the Ottoman Empire, the forces of each nation will be reassigned. In the next phase of the strategic plan, the Russian army will be responsible for the campaign west of the Kızılırmak River, with the key objective of swiftly capturing the enemy’s capital, Ankara. The Austrian army will handle the campaign east of the Kızılırmak River, focusing on seizing the region between the two rivers to further divide the Ottoman Empire. Given the heavy losses suffered by the Greek and Montenegrin armies on the battlefield, they are no longer capable of undertaking the next phase of combat operations. Therefore, the coalition command has decided to relieve them of their upcoming combat duties and grant them a one-month period of rest and recuperation. Once the troops have recuperated, the Greek and Montenegrin armies will be tasked with clearing out local guerrilla forces and maintaining stability in the newly occupied territories. The specific areas they will be responsible for will be assigned based on actual needs. Does anyone have any questions?” The final question was clearly directed at Greece and Montenegro, as the operational roles of the Russian and Austrian forces were obviously prearranged. The claim of heavy losses was merely an excuse. Excluding the Greek and Montenegrin armies from combat also meant depriving them of any say in the distribution of war spoils. Montenegrin Marshal Maksim Terentyev replied, “No issues here. Our forces have already suffered over 600 casualties and are indeed in need of proper rest and recuperation.” Having already lost two battalions, if the troops weren’t given time to recover, Maksim Terentyev’s reinforced regiment would be rendered ineffective. Publius hesitated to speak. This was not the time to show bravado, as provoking the coalition command could result in being assigned a suicidal mission, which would risk depleting Greece’s already limited resources. While Russia and Austria could afford casualties in the tens of thousands due to their vast manpower, Greece could not. In the previous battles, the Greek army had already suffered over 5,000 casualties, a proportion not much lower than Montenegro’s, significantly dampening morale. … The situation on the battlefield was becoming clearer, and the division of spoils after the war was already on the agenda of the Austrian government. The pre-war agreement was merely a verbal understanding and could only serve as one of the reference points. The actual distribution of spoils would ultimately depend on each nation’s strength. The performance and contributions of the four anti-Ottoman coalition nations on the battlefield would become the core criteria for the post-war division of spoils. In addition, political influence and the sentiments of allies would also be taken into account to ensure that all parties were as satisfied as possible. Chancellor Felix said, “Although Greece and Montenegro haven’t contributed much on the battlefield, their inclusion in the coalition has brought significant political benefits. Especially with the death of a Greek ambassador, which has bolstered the legitimacy of our decision to wage this war. These additional factors must be taken into account by the government. When we instigated the Armenians to revolt, we promised them the establishment of an independent state. After the war, we will need to address this commitment. Other ethnic groups within the Ottoman Empire who have responded to the coalition also need to be given a proper resolution. We cannot afford to become a laughingstock in the eyes of the world.” While not yet the world’s leading power, the Austrian government’s actions were increasingly becoming those of a global hegemon. Being a leader requires having followers, and to win their support, you must ensure they see tangible benefits. At the same time, while considering the interests of your followers, you must not compromise your own. Otherwise, you become nothing more than a fool who gets taken advantage of. Foreign Minister Wessenberg added, “The main ethnic groups responding to the alliance are the Greeks and Slavs, mobilized by the Greek and Russian governments, respectively. After the war, these groups could be settled by the two countries. Those unwilling to leave can stay. It’s not a large number, so they won’t cause much trouble. The real issue is the Armenians seeking independence and statehood, which affects our future strategic planning. Austria needs to set an example, showing that as long as a people cooperate with us, they can achieve national independence. Of course, independence requires territory. Carving out land from the Ottoman Empire to grant the Armenians independence would inevitably reduce the benefits for both us and the Russians. The most critical issue is choosing the right location. We cannot give up Mesopotamia, and we certainly cannot allow a new state to emerge within the Anatolian Peninsula, creating a country within a country. The best option is the Caucasus region. It is barren, holds the least value, and an independent Armenia there could serve as a buffer zone, reducing our direct border with Russia. The problem is that this territory is already in Russian hands. If we want the Russian government to relinquish it, we will have to pay a significant price.” Supporting Armenian independence is essentially aimed at Britain and France, and to some extent, it also disrupts Russian interests. There aren’t many ethnic groups in Europe urgently seeking independence. The Irish, Italians, and Poles are undoubtedly the top three, followed by Bulgarians, Scots, and the Baltic peoples, whose independence movements are relatively weaker. The Poles can be temporarily disregarded. They suffered devastating losses in the Russo-Prussian War and won’t recover anytime soon. The Irish and Italians are the most likely to launch independence movements in Europe, making them a key focus of the Austrian government’s political strategy. Armenia serves as a magnet to attract independence movements from both nations into cooperation with Austria. When Austria inevitably clashes with Britain and France, this will be its strongest trump card. Minister of the Navy Castagnetti proposed, “Perhaps we can strike a deal by helping the Russians develop their navy. This is the age of the seas! There’s no way they wouldn’t be tempted.” “But the Russian government has no money!” With that blunt remark from Minister of Finance Karl, all of Castagnetti’s arguments were dead on arrival. A navy is a monstrous drain on resources, and for a poor country, trying to maintain one is a financial disaster. Given the Russian government’s financial situation, simply achieving a balanced budget would already be a miracle. Developing a navy is entirely unrealistic. As if struck by an idea, Franz suddenly said, “If the Russians have no money, then we’ll make them rich. But first, we need to lure the Russian government into taking the bait. The navy is undergoing a technological revolution, and before long, our fleet of battleships will be rendered obsolete by the times. We might as well put them to good use and offer the Russian government a fleet as compensation for ceding land to establish an independent Armenian state. The Kingdom of Prussia is finished, and Denmark, traditionally a Russian ally, is no longer an obstacle in the Baltic. With Constantinople firmly under Russian control and the Near East War coming to an end, the Black Sea has essentially become the Tsar’s private lake. We are still allies of the Russians, and their gateway to the Mediterranean is wide open. Strategically, Russia is in an unprecedentedly favorable position. All obstacles have been removed and the only thing they lack now is a navy. This is the golden age for Russia to develop its fleet, and there are surely those within the Russian government who recognize this. By gifting them a fleet, we will ignite their enthusiasm for naval expansion, which is of great strategic importance to us. Montenegro and Greece can follow the same model. If there’s no land to distribute to them, we’ll reward them with warships instead.” The Austrian government had already decided to provoke a new round of naval arms competition on the eve of the pre-dreadnought era. These old battleships were bound to be phased out anyway. Keeping them is a burden, but selling them all at once is unrealistic as there’s no wealthy buyer on the international market willing to take them. Following past conventions, obsolete warships that couldn’t be sold were usually either converted into merchant ships if possible, repurposed as training vessels for naval academies, used as target practice for naval exercises, or ultimately scrapped for scrap metal. Giving them to allies couldn’t exactly be considered a bad deal. What was outdated for Austria would still be a mainstay in the Russian Navy. Minister of the Navy Castagnetti, unwilling to concede, said, “Your Majesty, giving away these warships for free is too great a loss for us. At the very least, we should recover our costs.” Selling second-hand warships or converting them into merchant ships for sale would provide the navy with a valuable source of funding. But giving them away for free? That wouldn’t bring in a single cent. Franz chuckled. “If we charge even the base cost, our allies still wouldn’t be able to afford them. No matter how low the price, I doubt the Russian government would have the courage to buy an entire fleet. Besides, it’s not truly free since we’re exchanging them for political benefits. As for the navy’s financial losses, we’ll recover them through after-sales service. If that’s not enough, you can sell them some smaller warships, help them upgrade their ports, and promote Austrian naval standards among our allies. Montenegro’s navy is virtually nonexistent so you can do whatever you want there. The Greek Navy is still using British designs and it’s time we ‘correct’ that. And the Russian Navy is still stuck thirty years in the past. You’ll have plenty of business with them.” Franz had once believed that free products were a sign of a merchant’s goodwill. But after experiencing the harsh realities of the world, he had to admit that “free” was often the most expensive price to pay. It might seem like there was no direct cost for a particular service, but in reality, the price had already been paid elsewhere. By gifting warships, Austria could also promote its naval standards, and the benefits hidden within this move were far from insignificant. Just look at the army. Thanks to a series of maneuvers by the Austrian government, Austrian weaponry had become the most widely used in the world. More than half of the world’s countries had adopted Austrian-style weapons, and Austria controlled 73.6% of the global arms market for army equipment. In contrast, the navy was in a much worse position. The British had a stranglehold on the international naval arms market, leaving Austria with less than a 10% share, which was completely disproportionate to its actual strength. “Your Majesty, the Russian government’s finances are in terrible shape. It’s nearly impossible to make them wealthy,” Minister of Finance Karl reminded him. Franz nodded and said, “We can sign long-term raw material supply contracts with the Russians, allowing them to borrow against their future revenues and increase the funds the Russian government can access in the short term. Helping the Russians upgrade their naval ports also gives us an opportunity to convince them to make these ports dual-use for both military and civilian purposes, so that future port revenues can offset the initial investment. We will use our influence in Russia to shape public opinion, making the ‘Age of the Seas’ a deeply ingrained idea and exaggerating the importance of naval power. We need to make the Russian government believe that Russia’s poverty stems from its abandonment of the seas, that its relentless focus on continental expansion has led to its economic stagnation. Once Russia takes the bait, we will discuss territorial transactions with them. We’ll offer an inflated price for lands in Russian-controlled Ukraine, putting more money into the Russian government’s pockets. On the surface, it might seem like we’re taking a loss, but once this money circulates, it will inevitably flow back into Austria. As long as we can awaken the Russians’ ambition for the seas and steer the Russian government toward focusing on the Indian Ocean, we will have achieved victory. If necessary, we can even fabricate a false sense of economic prosperity within Russia, making the Russian government believe it has already recovered its national strength…” This was a grand chess game. Perhaps the largest political maneuver Franz had devised since ascending to the throne. It didn’t just ensnare the Anti-Ottoman Coalition, every European nation and beyond was a piece on this chessboard. The strategic manipulation of Russia was merely a small part of this grand plan. This game had already begun more than a decade ago. Due to the ever-changing international situation, several adjustments had been made along the way, but only now had Franz finally completed his plans. Not every part of the strategy needed to succeed. If even one-third of the objectives were achieved, Austria would be the ultimate victor.
https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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