In St. Petersburg, holding the battle report in his hands, Alexander II watched as the joy on his face vanished, leaving only deep sorrow. The Russian army had achieved a major victory on the front lines, strategically suffocating the enemy and edging closer to final victory in the war. Yet behind these triumphs lay mountains of white bones, piled high by Russian soldiers. Watching the ever-growing casualty figures, Alexander II had to admit that he was afraid. After all, Russia and Prussia were not the only nations in the world. The Russian Empire had many enemies, and if it wagered everything to win this war, what would come next? … Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserov reported, “Your Majesty, this morning, the Austrian ambassador to Russia sent us a diplomatic note. The Austrian government is proposing an international conference to mediate the war.” Alexander II nodded as he replied, “So, it has finally come.” It was as if he had breathed a sigh of relief, yet there was also a hint of unease. After a brief pause, Alexander II asked, “What conditions have the Austrians proposed?” Foreign Minister Gerard Yeserov shook his head and answered, “It’s just an ordinary diplomatic note. The Austrians have not taken a clear stance. Given the current situation, the Austrian government likely won’t make a decision so easily.” This was the truth. The Austrian government was now in a difficult position, caught between interests and public opinion. No matter what choice they made, it would be the wrong one. Since a decision was impossible, they chose not to take a stance for now, waiting for the situation to develop further before making their position known. At this point, Austria no longer needed to survive by picking sides. Whether they acted sooner or later, their share of the spoils was already secured. After a brief moment of hesitation, Alexander II made his decision, “Send a reply to Austria. We agree to mediation. Have the Ministry of Foreign Affairs prepare for negotiations. A tough battle lies ahead. Our soldiers’ blood cannot be shed in vain. Whatever we have gained on the battlefield must not be lost at the negotiation table.” Diplomatic struggles, though devoid of the smoke of gunpowder, are no less intense than battles on the battlefield. Since Britain, France, and Austria established a new international order, the outcome of wars in continental Europe is no longer decided solely on the battlefield. Winning militarily is only the beginning, the final distribution of benefits is determined at the negotiation table. Of course, Russia remains a great power with a voice in the matter. It will not be at the mercy of others. Victory on the battlefield means absolute leverage in negotiations. The only question is the size of the gains. … With the Russian government agreeing to peace talks, the Prussian government had no reason to refuse. They were the ones who could no longer hold out. Even the radicals in the army knew the tide had turned. If they delayed negotiations any longer, they would have no bargaining chips left. By this point in the war, over 400,000 Prussian soldiers had been killed in battle. If those who died from disease and severe wounds were included, the number could increase by another 200,000 to 300,000. With 600,000 to 700,000 dead, the number of wounded and permanently disabled soldiers was inevitably even higher. It was no exaggeration to say that total irrecoverable losses exceeded one million. For Prussia, a nation of only ten million people, this meant grief in every household and mourning across the land. Aside from a few die-hard extremists, most people had finally woken up from their illusions. Fortunately, in this era, the population structure was still youthful, with a high proportion of able-bodied men. If this had happened in an aging society, such heavy casualties would have already caused a total collapse. At the Prussian Army Headquarters, when news of the negotiations arrived, Moltke seemed to have aged ten years overnight. This war had been an unbearable blow to him. The gap in strength was not something that could be bridged by individual talent. Victory after victory, yet in the end, the war still concluded in defeat amid triumph. Despite losing the war, Moltke’s reputation as a great general did not diminish. On the contrary, it became even more renowned. A bitter irony. Suppressing his inner sorrow, Moltke continued to fulfill his duty and barked out orders, “Order the troops to remain on high alert and guard against any Russian sneak attacks.” Unlike past military defeats, this time, Moltke, as the supreme commander, faced little criticism from the domestic front. Perhaps the nation was too devastated to react yet. No one was clamoring for his removal, and no one was calling for his head. “Yes, Marshal.” “Yes, Marshal.” … The scattered, feeble responses made Moltke’s expression grow even darker. “Have none of you eaten? You’re all so weak and dispirited! Look at yourselves! Do you still look like soldiers? So we lost a war, so what? It’s not like we’ve never lost before! Our forefathers endured and persevered. Why can’t we do the same?” No one responded. Judging by their expressions, most looked ashamed, while a few remained completely indifferent. There is no greater sorrow than a dead heart. The more someone understood, the less faith they had in Prussia. The balance of power in Europe had mostly stabilized. For Prussia, a comeback seemed nearly impossible. Many had already lost all hope. Seeing little effect, Moltke sighed helplessly. A few sharp words might wake up a confused man, but for those who already saw the truth, they meant little. “Enough. I don’t care what you’re thinking inside. As long as you wear this uniform, you must fulfill your duty. At this stage, I no longer expect you to fight heroically or turn the tide of battle. Just do your job. Don’t give the enemy any openings. Preserving Prussia’s last remaining assets is the greatest repayment you can give to the nation that raised you.” … When news arrived that Prussia and Russia had accepted Austria’s mediation, the British government felt as if a dark cloud had descended over London. Prime Minister Benjamin said, “The Austrians want to convene the Vienna Conference, and both Prussia and Russia have accepted the invitation. Britain’s hegemony is being challenged! We must take action.” Although Britain, France, and Austria stood as the three dominant powers, it was widely acknowledged that Britain was the true leader. However, the Vienna Conference was now disrupting this convention. London had failed to mediate the Russo-Prussian War, while Austria had succeeded. This signified a decline in British influence on the European continent. If it were in other regions, it might not have mattered. The British Empire’s global dominance had not extended into every single area, and losing regional hegemony in one or two places would not be a major concern. But Europe was different. In this era, the center of the world was in Europe. The gap between European dominance and global dominance was razor-thin. From both an economic and military perspective, the European continent surpassed the rest of the world combined. Securing European dominance would all but guarantee global supremacy. The British government could not tolerate such a development. Although Austria convening the Vienna Conference did not equate to securing European dominance, it had nonetheless disrupted Britain’s implicit position as the continent’s dominant power. Tearing something apart was always easier than building something from scratch. Britain’s position in Europe had been built through centuries of effort, and now that it was under threat, restoring it would be nearly impossible. As the world’s hegemon, Britain had taken a vast share of benefits. Austria was not the only one eyeing these gains as many others were as well. However, they had all been deterred by Britain’s formidable reputation and dared not make a move. Now that Austria had taken the first step, if the British government failed to respond in time to dispel other nations’ ambitions, they would soon find themselves facing an endless stream of provocations and challenges, plunging into true unrest. Foreign Secretary Edward stated, “We have little influence over the Russians, and the Prussian government is truly at its breaking point. Expecting them to reject Austria’s proposal is simply unrealistic. Dismantling Austria’s plan directly through the conference is no longer feasible. We must strike back through other means. Perhaps we should increase our support and expedite the establishment of the North German Empire. Cutting off Austria’s ambitions for a Central European empire should be enough to deter the rest of Europe.” The British government had already been planning for a North German Empire, but out of caution for Austria’s reaction, they had operated from behind the scenes. Now that relations had been openly strained, there was no longer any need for restraint. Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield objected, “Establishing a North German Empire is no easy task. Most of the German states have little interest in it, and with Austria likely to interfere, the chances of success are too low. If we openly push for it and succeed, that would be ideal. But if the plan fails, it would deal yet another blow to our prestige. A string of failures would shake the confidence of our allies. For now, our priority should be securing Prussia before considering how to retaliate against Austria.” Did Britain have many ways to retaliate against Austria? The answer: plenty. However, most were either too insignificant to achieve the desired effect or carried potential risks that could backfire. For instance, stirring up trouble in the colonies. But the only places they could realistically target were remote and impoverished regions. Even if successful, the impact would be minimal and would barely cause a ripple in the European sphere. Naval interception and disrupting shipping routes were also possible options. Unfortunately, this couldn’t be done openly. The Royal Navy could disguise itself as pirates, but the Austrian Navy could do the same. Such actions would only lead to mutual destruction. The most effective approach was still to stir up trouble on the European continent. However, this posed a significant challenge for the British government. Ever since Anglo-French relations cooled, Britain’s influence in Europe had weakened. If they still had France as a hired thug, Franz wouldn’t have dared to make a move at this time. Foreign Secretary Edward shook his head and replied, “Sir, do we even have a choice? If we don’t suppress Austria now, more countries will soon follow its lead. By then, we’ll be too preoccupied defending ourselves to even think about retaliation. Establishing North Germany was always part of our original plan. With the Kingdom of Prussia suffering a crushing defeat, the chances of success have actually increased.” Prussia’s devastating loss had significantly reduced European nations’ fear of a North German Empire. Some countries that had previously opposed the idea might even shift to supporting it. This is determined by interests. The Prussian government borrowing money from all sides is not without benefits. At the very least, when creditors consider international issues, they have to take their own pockets into account. Take France, for example. Although it didn’t lend much during this war, it had previously given out quite a few loans, both to Prussia and Poland. Poland no longer exists, and no one can force the Russians to pay back what they took. These debts have now fallen onto the Prussian government, which, under normal circumstances, would certainly be unable to repay them. If these debts are to be honored, Prussia’s economy must be restored, which in turn requires investment. The French, however, are unlikely to want to keep paying. This is where the importance of the North German Empire comes into play. As the central government, it cannot simply stand by and watch the member states collapse. Even if it doesn’t directly repay Prussia’s debts, it will still have to provide financial aid to help the Kingdom of Prussia recover economically. A loose alliance of German states would pose no real threat to France’s interests, while also acting as a barrier to Austria’s efforts to unify Central Europe. This makes it highly likely that the French government would support such an arrangement. Even the Russian Empire could be won over. Despite the bloody conflict between Prussia and Russia, if the incentives are right, many things can still be negotiated. The war-weakened Kingdom of Prussia has lost its ability to threaten Russia. Even if it joined forces with the Germans to establish the North German Empire, this would remain unchanged. The population and territorial size determine the upper limits of this new nation, which can never match the former Prussian-Polish Federation. Moreover, the many individual states within the country each govern themselves, making it impossible to consolidate power effectively. The Russian government is desperately poor. Having finally won the war, it will undoubtedly seek to extract war reparations. It would be easy to make the Prussian government sign a reparations treaty, but getting the Kingdom of Prussia to actually pay is another issue. Without external support to sustain it, Prussia wouldn’t even be able to afford postwar pensions, let alone war reparations. The financial burden alone could crush the country. Beyond this, the situation also involves Russo-Austrian relations. It would be impossible for the Russian government to be completely unconcerned about Austria. The only reason Russia has not turned against Austria is that it still depends on it. However, after the war, Russia’s reliance on Austria will gradually decrease, and their relationship will inevitably change. The shift from allies to rivals is only a matter of time. If Russia can contain Austria without directly involving itself, the Russian government has no reason to refuse such an opportunity.
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