On April 15, 1882, the same day the international conference was held, multiple French revolutionary organizations united to launch an uprising, electing the socialist Blanqui as their leader. The insurgents seized police stations, took control of the city garrison’s armory, occupied the embassy district, and swept through most of Paris. As the flames of war reached the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV fled the city overnight with his palace guards, remotely directing the troops that remained loyal to the emperor to suppress the rebellion. Upon hearing the news, Franz was utterly stunned. His first thought after regaining his composure was: “Since when did the revolutionaries become so powerful? Is the French government made of paper?” No one could answer that question. As with past Parisian revolutions, once the first shot was fired successfully, the movement quickly spread across the city. With the revolutionaries now in control of Paris, the international conference had become nothing more than a joke. Just hours earlier, delegates had been discussing ways to curb revolutionary ideology, only to find themselves in the hands of revolutionaries by nightfall. One could only imagine their bewilderment. However, having weathered many storms, Franz quickly regained his composure and asked, “How many troops does Napoleon IV still control? Does he have the capability to suppress the uprising?” “Uncertain,” Foreign Minister Wessenberg shook his head and gave a negative answer. He then explained, “Apart from the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 7th Divisions, these core loyalist forces, we cannot yet determine the stance of the other units. The Paris revolution has only just begun. Most troops were unprepared for such a situation, so many will likely remain on the sidelines, waiting to see how things unfold before taking a stand. Even ignoring the units that have yet to declare their position, Napoleon IV’s forces still hold a military advantage. The reason the Paris revolution succeeded was simply that the troops loyal to the emperor were not stationed in the city at the time. The 7th Division was busy suppressing the rebellion in Lyon. The 1st and 2nd Divisions were engaged in quelling the Italian independence movement. The 3rd Division was stationed just outside Paris. On the same day that the Paris revolution erupted, another uprising broke out in Gonesse, a suburb of the city, just five hours earlier. The main force of the 3rd Division was deployed to suppress that rebellion, leaving Paris vulnerable. The city garrison, which was primarily composed of locals, already harbored sympathies for the revolution. Their failure to act swiftly against the uprising was a key factor in allowing the rebellion to escalate. There were too many coincidences in this revolution, almost as if someone had orchestrated events behind the scenes to deliberately create an opportunity for the insurgents. It is said that the flames of war reached the Palace of Versailles before Napoleon IV even received news of the rebellion. The ability to redeploy troops and intercept crucial information suggests that the conspirators must have had significant influence within both the government and the military. The French revolutionaries alone do not yet have the capability to infiltrate at such a level. The most likely culprits, those with both the power and motive to do this, are the Orléans and Bourbon royalist factions, seeking to restore their dynasties.” Franz rubbed his temples and walked over to the window, gazing into the distance. At this moment, he couldn’t help but feel a sense of worry for Napoleon IV. Revolutionary factions were rampaging outside, while within the government, royalist restoration forces were working against him, and financial groups stood by, ready to betray him at any moment. With such a complex situation, holding onto the throne was no easy task. One could say this was the most precarious throne in the world, bar none. Chancellor Felix reassured him, “It’s not as serious as it seems. Even within the revolutionary factions, there are deep internal divisions. At least ten different groups are now vying for control over Paris. Among them, there are also many royalist restoration forces. They only managed to unite temporarily because they shared a common goal—overthrowing the Bonapartist regime. However, once issues like political structure and the distribution of power arise, former allies will quickly turn into enemies. Perhaps, under the pressure of the government army, they won’t immediately turn on each other, but we certainly can’t expect them to cooperate smoothly either. Napoleon IV has already left Paris. Given the prestige of his father, Napoleon III, and the financial resources he still controls, it won’t be difficult for him to rally the support of the military. If nothing unexpected happens, I believe the Paris revolution will be over within a month.” This was a battle between optimists and pessimists. From Franz’s personal standpoint, he naturally hoped Napoleon IV could suppress the rebellion as soon as possible. As for “secretly manipulating the situation, letting the revolutionaries and the government fight endlessly, and plunging France into chaos,” it was an interesting thought, but in reality, it was completely unfeasible. This situation was dictated by France’s unique political landscape. The three royal houses had fractured the most powerful faction of royalist supporters, rendering the government incapable of sustaining a prolonged conflict. In other words, if Napoleon IV failed to suppress the rebellion in a short period, the Bonaparte dynasty would be finished. The rise of a new ruling dynasty was of little consequence. Franz didn’t care which royal house governed France. But if the country fell into the hands of the revolutionaries, that would be unacceptable. A successful revolution in France would set a dangerous precedent, elevating the revolutionary wave across Europe to a whole new level. If that happened, forget about launching a campaign against the Ottomans, just dealing with the resulting chaos would be overwhelming. After a brief moment of contemplation, Franz made his decision: “Let’s hope for the best, but we must prepare for the worst. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should reach out to Britain and Russia. I’m sure they don’t want to see France spiral out of control either. If necessary, we can organize an intervention force.” “Europe is the foundation.” Franz had never fully embraced this notion before, but now, he had to admit that there was some truth in it. As a European power, no matter what its strategic priorities were, Austria could never ignore the continent’s political climate. On the surface, France’s internal turmoil seemed like the perfect opportunity for Austria to deploy troops and unify the German states. Yet, despite the many sharp political minds in the Austrian government, not a single one had proposed such a plan. Clearly, things weren’t that simple. The German states were also being swept up in revolutionary unrest, with one wave following another. Launching a military campaign to unify the German states at this moment would be equivalent to inviting the revolutionary wave into Austria itself. For a long time to come, the Austrian government would be consumed by internal unrest and factional conflicts. A quick glance at the map made Austria’s strategic situation painfully clear. It was surrounded by powerful adversaries which was far from ideal. To the east stood the greedy Russian Bear; to the west, the formidable French; to the south, its age-old enemy, the Ottoman Empire; and if Austria unified Germany, it would also have to directly confront the Nordic Federation and Britain to the north. On the surface, France was caught in civil strife, and Russia was still recovering from its wounds, giving Austria a prime opportunity to strike first and eliminate future threats. However, France and Russia were both large countries. There was no way to destroy them in a single blow. And as long as they weren’t completely defeated, they would recover in time. Given the power of hatred and vengeance, this would only lead to a prolonged conflict. Politics isn’t a simple game of distinguishing between friends and foes. In international relations, there are no permanent enemies or allies. In the face of shifting interests, today’s foe could be tomorrow’s friend. If a nation launched a preemptive war against every neighbor that posed a potential threat, it wouldn’t be long before it found itself surrounded by enemies on all sides. This was precisely why the Austrian government had chosen the Ottoman Empire as its target. Beyond strategic necessity, the Ottomans were weak, weak enough to be crushed in one decisive strike. It was an opportunity to eliminate a threat once and for all, with minimal long-term repercussions. … Tours, this ancient city, had once again become the political center of France following the Renaissance. After fleeing Paris, Napoleon IV made his way straight to Tours, which then became the temporary headquarters of the French imperial government. Frankly speaking, the Bonaparte dynasty was still quite popular. The distant Napoleon was the pride of France, while the more recent Napoleon III was also regarded as a hero of the nation. Napoleon IV, though lacking in great achievements, had no major faults either. The common people did not harbor much resentment toward him as emperor. The frequent uprisings in the country did not necessarily mean that people wanted to rebel outright. Many of these revolts were instigated by capitalists. Amid the economic crisis, they took advantage of the situation—hoarding goods, inflating prices—until the lower classes could no longer survive, leaving them with no choice but to rise in rebellion. Among the many uprisings in France, a significant portion consisted of mobs storming food supplies. Once they seized what they needed, they simply dispersed. Revolutionary fervor was strong only in Paris, whereas in smaller cities like Tours, the enthusiasm for revolution was much weaker. The best proof of this was the enthusiastic welcome Napoleon IV received from the residents of Tours. Of course, the fact that news of the Parisian revolution had not yet reached the city also played a role. “Have the Fifth and Sixth Divisions set out yet?” Napoleon IV asked. The Minister of War, Lusquinye Hafize, replied, “The Fifth Division departed yesterday morning, and the Sixth Division set out this morning. At most, they will reach Paris within three days to suppress the rebellion.” Hearing this, Napoleon IV breathed a sigh of relief. As long as the army was still following orders, it meant that the situation had not yet spiraled out of control.
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