Defeated nations were easy enough to deal with. In an era where might made right, if you refused to accept reality, then you simply fought another war. Without Britain as the ringleader, Japan and the United States could make noise if they wanted, but there was only so much trouble they could actually cause. The real headache for the Holy Roman government was a former close ally, the Russian Empire. Times had changed. With victory in the world war, the dragon slayer had taken the place of the dragon itself. Once one’s identity changed, so did one’s position. Yesterday’s ally had become today’s competitor. Whether to strike while the iron was hot and quietly finish off the Russian Empire was a question worth serious consideration. Russia’s civil war had already entered its most intense phase. With European powers sparing no expense in backing the rebels, their momentum grew stronger by the day, sweeping across more than half of the empire. This time, it really was not fair to blame everything on the Russian side. Their incompetence had certainly given the rebels room to grow, but the core reason was that the enemy had abandoned all restraint. Russia’s revolutionary parties had yet to truly mature. Although they had launched uprisings in major cities like Saint Petersburg and Moscow, their lack of mass support meant they were quickly crushed by the imperial government. The real anti-Russian force now consisted of regional independence movements. These groups did have popular backing, but their intense nationalism and regional identities meant their influence was usually confined to a single area. The most representative examples were the Polish independence movement, the Bulgarian independence movement, the Finnish independence movement, and the Afghan guerrillas. All of these groups shared one defining trait. Their influence was local, not national. None of them could ignite a nationwide anti-Russian wave. After the anti-Russian war broke out, these independent movements, each acting on its own, fell into fragmented, uncoordinated fighting. Under normal circumstances, their suppression would only have been a matter of time. Unfortunately for Russia, foreign powers had intervened. At first, everyone still followed certain unwritten rules, limiting themselves to covert funding and arms supplies. But as the situation on the battlefield evolved, the scale of investment kept rising. In order to secure final victory, scruples inevitably eroded, little by little. First came the dispatch of “volunteers” to take part in Russia’s civil war. Unfortunately, the pig-headed allies on the ground were simply too hard to carry, and in the end everyone had no choice but to escalate to hiring “mercenaries.” Swiss Guards, the Prussian Eagles, Hessian mercenaries, the French Gallic Rooster, Angel Company, the Swedish Trojan Horse. Any mercenary organization with even a little name on the international stage showed up on the battlefield. According to incomplete statistics, the number of mercenaries active on Russian soil had already exceeded one hundred thousand. Do not ask why so many mercenaries were involved. The official explanation was simple. International champions of justice could no longer tolerate the Russians’ brutal rule and had come to liberate the various peoples enslaved by the Russian government. On the surface, it was a Russian civil war. In reality, it had already evolved into a war between the Russian government and the European powers. Facing many enemies alone, the Russian government was naturally headed for tragedy. Endless strike movements, rebels sweeping across the land, and a bourgeoisie and new nobility eyeing power like predators. The Russian government had been pushed into an increasingly desperate corner. In the north, Finland had completely fallen. The rebels were urgently fortifying positions in the Karelian Isthmus and around Lake Ladoga. In the west, Polish and Lithuanian rebels had joined forces. The Russian flag had vanished from the Polish Plain, and the flames of war had spread into Belarus. In the south and central regions, the Caucasus was engulfed in chaos, Ukrainian guerrillas were everywhere, and Russian-held Balkan territories were now firmly under Bulgarian independence forces. The Russian government was left with only Constantinople. Across the Central Asian steppe, tribal rule had returned. In Afghanistan, Russian troops were nowhere to be seen. In Siberia, rebel forces and Russian troops were locked in fierce fighting, with no clear winner in sight. In the Far East, most territories were in Japanese hands. Although treaties had been signed, when and whether they would actually be implemented remained an open question. Judging from the current situation, if the Holy Roman government added just one more spark, the Russian government might truly collapse. Suppressing the Russian Empire was one thing. Completely destroying the Russian government was another. The two were fundamentally different. What Franz wanted was this. On the premise of weakening the Russian Empire as much as possible, he wanted to keep the Russian government alive. The concrete plan was straightforward. Finland, Poland, Bulgaria, Ukraine, the Baltic region, the Caucasus, and Central Asia would all become independent. If possible, Siberia and the Far East would be split off as well. Plans were plans. Reality was reality. Even if the Holy Roman government stepped in personally, Nicholas II would never accept conditions so humiliating and destructive to sovereignty. If anything, overthrowing the Russian government and replacing it with a bourgeois regime would likely yield a much higher chance of compromise. If negotiations could not succeed, then the only option was to create facts on the ground first, and then use time to force the Russians to slowly accept reality. Staring at the sandbox map of Russia, bristling with little flags, Franz asked with concern, “Given the current situation, do the rebels have any chance of taking Saint Petersburg?” Creating those so-called fait accomplis was not as easy as it sounded. Aside from a few regions with natural defenses, most rebel-controlled areas were vast open plains. Right now, the rebels looked powerful. But once the Russian government caught its breath, the situation could quickly reverse. For example, if the main Russian forces in India returned home and the Alliance lifted the blockade on Russia, the balance of power would flip almost instantly. Even with support from European countries, the rebels would still struggle to defeat the Russian government. Apart from a handful of regions that could rely on natural strongholds, most areas would eventually fall back under Russian control. After all, Russia was still an ally in name. The Holy Roman government could not indefinitely detain Russian troops on the Indian front, nor could it maintain a long-term blockade against Russia. With the world war over, these two realities could no longer be delayed. If Russia was to be dismembered, it had to be done before the main Russian forces returned home. Human nature was complex. Over the past few decades, the Russian government had endured plenty of brutal lessons, but it had also enjoyed notable victories. Its confidence was running high. To force Russia to accept reality, its pride had to be broken first. Apart from prolonged and brutal warfare, the simplest method was to let the rebels capture Saint Petersburg. Once the regime was overturned, the Tsar and the nobility would no longer be focused on preserving national unity. Their top priority would become restoration of the throne. At that point, no matter how strong their pride was, they would find their own reasons to compromise temporarily, postponing the real problems for the future. In the past, this approach would have worked. Territory could be left in rebel hands for the time being, and once strength was restored, national reunification could follow. But at the dawn of the twentieth century, in this era of surging change, nationalism was just beginning to erupt. Once a new nation-state was established, the people would no longer tolerate being enslaved again. Chancellor Chandler said, “The current momentum of the Russian rebels rests almost entirely on support from their own ethnic populations. Once they leave their core gathering areas, their combat effectiveness drops sharply. Although someone has helped the rebels improve their governmental and administrative structures, that progress is limited to individual regions. The various rebel forces still operate independently, each fighting its own war, with no real ability to unite against the Russian government. Because of distance constraints, if the rebels want to advance on Saint Petersburg, the only forces that could realistically take part are those from Finland, Poland, and Lithuania. On the Eastern European front, government forces and rebels have effectively reached a stalemate. In the short term, it is extremely difficult for either side to secure a decisive victory. Unless an elite force joins the fight and breaks the deadlock, there is simply no hope of capturing Saint Petersburg.” An elite force could only come from the shadowy backers, offering their “selfless assistance.” But as the number of participants kept growing, the label of “mercenaries” was no longer very convincing. One hundred thousand mercenaries was already absurd enough. Practically every well-known mercenary organization in the world had already been “dragged” into the war. If the numbers grew any larger, the history books would become impossible to write. Any further increase in troops would make it obvious that European countries were openly intervening in Russia’s civil war. Everyone still cared about appearances. Stirring trouble in secret was one thing, but once it was dragged into the open, it became embarrassing. If anyone was to blame, it was the Russian revolutionary parties themselves. They had received massive amounts of aid, yet their uprisings still failed. If the revolutionaries had managed to ignite a genuine revolutionary wave in Saint Petersburg or Moscow, none of these problems would exist. “Well, who can say? Back in 1848, the French organized volunteer forces to support the Polish independence movement. Although the plan was eventually canceled for various reasons, that spirit of internationalism was still admirable. Recently, anti-Russian sentiment in France has been running high. Countless French citizens want to rescue their compatriots who were seized and enslaved by Russia. I hear that some people have already begun organizing volunteer units. Even if France made serious mistakes in the past, if French volunteers now want to liberate their own people and support the national independence movements within Russia, do we really have any reason to stop them? Who knows? Perhaps one day soon, French volunteer forces will march into the Russian Empire, contributing their strength to the great cause of human liberation.” From Frederick’s exaggerated tone alone, it was obvious how desperately he wanted to see the Russians suffer. He was so eager, in fact, that he no longer cared about appearances or scruples. Interfering in an ally’s civil war and attempting to tear that ally apart were both things that could never be done openly. Naturally, the Holy Roman government could not dirty its hands that way. Under such circumstances, a scapegoat became extremely important. Everyone with eyes could tell that this was nothing more than “the emperor’s new clothes,” but the game still had to be played. As for whether the so-called French volunteer forces truly existed, that was no longer important. What mattered was whether the Holy Roman government needed them to exist. Franz smiled faintly, clearly satisfied with how quickly his son had adapted. Times had changed. The Holy Roman Empire as a European hegemon and the Holy Roman Empire as a world hegemon were two entirely different things. When it was merely the hegemon of Europe, the Holy Roman Empire still had rivals. The Holy Roman government had to rally allies and could not afford to act too domineering in diplomacy. But now that it stood as the world’s sole hegemon, being a little outrageous was only natural. As long as it did not openly tear up the Russo-Austrian alliance, it could still be said to have some sense of propriety left. Even if some harbored resentment in their hearts, they could only swallow it for now. Providing someone else to take the blame was already a gesture of courtesy toward Russia. Otherwise, had the Holy Roman government directly intervened in Russia’s internal affairs, the Russian government would have had no choice but to accept reality. There would be no one left to speak of justice. After a moment’s thought, Franz spoke slowly, “Frederick, from now on, you will take charge of all matters concerning the Russian Empire. The cabinet will assist you in full. Not just that. You will also assume responsibility for all the follow-up arrangements. If nothing unexpected happens, I plan to abdicate by the end of the year.” “Abdicate.” The word struck like a thunderbolt. If it spread, it would trigger an earthquake across the world’s political stage. Frederick, the person most directly affected, was completely stunned. Despite having been crown prince for fifty years, Franz had always been in excellent health. He had never once imagined that succession would come so suddenly. Throughout history, both East and West, it was rare to hear of an emperor voluntarily stepping down. Those who abdicated early were almost always forced to do so. Franz’s situation was clearly different. He had just led the Holy Roman Empire to victory over the British Empire and seized the position of world hegemon. He stood at the very peak of his life. There was simply no one who could compel him to abdicate. Seeing the shock written plainly across everyone’s faces, Franz continued calmly, “There’s no need to make such a fuss. I simply feel tired. While my body can still move, I want to go out and see this world properly.” If anything, that explanation only made matters worse. Everyone was even more bewildered. No matter how they tried, they simply could not connect the idea of “going out to see the world” with “abdicating the throne.”
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