While the world’s eyes were fixed on the government transition and the elections, Franz sent two of his sons off to serve as governors in overseas colonies. Frankly, changing personnel at this moment carried political risk. The struggle for Anglo‑Austrian hegemony was not over, and colonial rule was not rock solid. If a colony fell in future power plays, the governor would be the first to be held responsible. Yet wealth and glory have always been won by taking risks. Even the royal family had limited political resources. To ensure a smooth handover of power, those resources had to be directed first and foremost to the crown prince. In a realm where titles were won by military merit, no amount of imperial favor could make up for a lack of battlefield achievement and public prestige. If Franz simply appointed his sons at home, they would still struggle to win the people’s trust. For the long term, sending them off early to the colonies made sense. Even if they did not win great deeds immediately, they could at least build up a network of loyal followers. European monarchies were never as omnipotent as their eastern counterparts. Even an assertive emperor like Franz often had to go with the tide. Although the “Overseas States Plan” served the Empire’s long‑term interests, in the short run it weakened central authority. Not everyone could see that far, and not everyone could be impartial. Franz rightly doubted the project would win widespread support at once. As emperor he could repress dissent, but he could not force colonial populations to accept his sons as rulers. If people were only obliged to obey, resentments would fester and future problems would follow. Securing power ultimately depended on merit and effort. Placing his sons in governorships now, giving them real authority on the ground, was a sensible transitional step toward consolidating their rule. The government transition was the perfect moment to finalize matters. Everyone’s attention was focused elsewhere, leaving no time to worry about trivial issues like appointments of colonial governors. Even if some politicians noticed, they could only pretend not to. Otherwise, they risked losing their positions in the upcoming personnel reshuffle. Political struggle is brutal. By comparison, the political conflicts within the Austrian government were relatively mild. As long as one did not overstep, even losing in politics meant, at worst, going home to raise grandchildren. Just because there was no upheaval within the Holy Roman Empire did not mean the outside world remained unchanged. The successive changes in colonial governors had, unsurprisingly, caught the attention of those paying close attention. … Saint Petersburg Rubbing his forehead, Nicholas II could not help but feel a headache as he studied the intelligence report. Perhaps it was a lingering effect from the assassination attempt as every time he overexerted his mind, there would be pain. “Recently, the Holy Roman Empire has been constantly rotating its overseas governors, and the new appointees are all princes. What is Emperor Franz planning this time?” Thanks to his role as a motivational mentor for monarchs, Franz enjoyed extraordinary prestige in the world of sovereigns. Younger rulers like Nicholas II have been fed no small amount of “chicken soup” by him. As a mentor with integrity, although his words were often misleading, they weren’t entirely without substance. Specific plans were never offered, but general advice was available. Using his own life as a case study, Franz even had someone compile a history of his struggle. Though it was somewhat dramatized, it remained a meaningful reference and held great appeal for young monarchs. Not all reforms can be achieved in a single leap, they must start from the details. National development must proceed step by step, without shortcuts or opportunism. The central idea is classic to the point of cliché. The only problem is that while the principle is easy to understand, putting it into practical action is complicated. If one were to copy Emperor Franz’s “History of Struggle,” a small country might need thirty to fifty years of effort to achieve preliminary industrialization, while a large country would still require twenty to thirty years. This “industrialization” is based on the current industrial standards. Considering that the era is progressing, the actual time needed could be even longer. Of course, countries that already have an industrial base can significantly shorten this period, but it still has nothing to do with shortcuts or instant success. The fact is plain, yet not everyone can perceive it. Most people only see Austria’s rapid revival and the reconstruction of the Holy Roman Empire, without noticing how much foundation Austria had before its revival or the favorable conditions of the era. It’s like entrepreneurs sharing their success stories: the prerequisite is that they have already succeeded. It’s fine to learn from them, but trying to copy them is a dream. Whether one studies or not is another matter, but it does not affect the respect Franz receives. With these “lessons from the battlefield of life,” Franz is likely to leave a striking mark in the history of nations. Foreign Minister Mikhailovich said, “We have too little intelligence to confirm anything for now. But considering the special structure of the Holy Roman Empire, the Foreign Ministry speculates that Emperor Franz may be planning another partition. Similar actions have occurred before in the history of the Habsburg dynasty. Given the sheer size of the current Holy Roman Empire, it is not surprising that Franz would want to subdivide it.” It was not the first time. Long ago, the Holy Roman Empire that once left the sunless sky nowhere to set was itself broken apart by the Habsburgs. Right and wrong are hard to sort from the few terse lines history leaves. Yet after the partition, the Habsburgs were targeted by coalitions far less often. The current Holy Roman Empire is even stronger than that old sun‑never‑sets power ever was. That no Anti‑Roman coalition has formed is a testament to Franz’s skill. The Russian Empire was not panicking. Beyond the Austro‑Russian alliance, many believed that the Holy Roman Empire’s strength could not be sustained forever. Franz had the guile to make his realm the leading power in Europe, and that it was not united against did not mean his successors would share his talent. Just look at the Empire’s borders. If diplomacy failed and the state became the target of many enemies, foes would appear from every direction. Of course, that only becomes a real danger if the Holy Roman Empire shows internal weakness. Until then, fence‑sitters will not dare to join the fray. Prime Minister Sergei Witte said, “If the only worry is becoming everyone’s target, then partition makes no sense. The Empire’s core lies in continental Europe, the Near East, and Africa. The overseas colonies are mere extras. Replacing colonial governors does not touch the core. Even if those territories were lost, the Empire’s strength would not suffer greatly. With the way Franz operates, even if he feared being isolated, he is not the type to cripple his own power. He would be far more likely to strike first. There are only a handful of states in the world that can truly threaten the Holy Roman Empire. If they suppress those states, the rest of the problems disappear.” Obviously, among this handful of potentially threatening states, the Russian Empire is included. The issue is not diplomatic relations but raw power. The Russian Empire has the strength, which makes it a potential target. Once the Austrian government decides to neutralize threats in advance, even Russia cannot escape. Economic ties and the Austro‑Russian alliance only ensure that the two countries do not openly clash, they do not prevent covert actions. Over the past decades, in these behind‑the‑scenes struggles, the Russian government has suffered losses. The tragedy is that they suffered those losses but appeared to be in the wrong, often too embarrassed to even complain. The intense sense of caution is palpable. It is clear that Sergei Witte has never truly let down his guard regarding the Holy Roman Empire. Minister of the Interior Vyacheslav said, “Perhaps Emperor Franz never overthought this. He is simply acting out of parental affection, wanting to carve out a fief for his sons. It’s important to understand that the African continent is now teeming with nobles. The remaining land is either strategic or worthless deserts and wastelands. In comparison, overseas colonies are more fertile. There are fewer nobles there, so setting aside a piece for his sons is not difficult.” Granting fiefs to one’s sons in Europe is not a new practice. In modern times it has become less common because most states emphasize centralization. Land on the home continent is harder to come by, but overseas colonies have fewer restrictions. For someone like Franz, who has enfeoffed tens of thousands of nobles, carving out a fief for his sons is not a big deal. The Habsburgs have a long tradition of this. In modern times, most dukes on the home continent hold only nominal titles. Minister of War Yevgeny said, “That probability is low. If the emperor simply wants to favor his sons, there are choices in the Near East. The land is not as fertile, but the location is superior. I think Emperor Franz is strengthening control over the provinces. Colonial governorships carry great power and often last a decade or more. If you cannot trust outsiders in such posts, you might as well put your own people there. Considering the coming struggle between the Holy Roman Empire and Britain, once they win, the Empire’s colonies will only expand further. Preparing in advance is therefore sensible. If Franz’s plan succeeds, that will clearly be bad for our empire. The Holy Roman Empire is already far too strong. If they grow any more powerful, even if we carry out the Yellow Russia Plan and seize India, we would only match them, not surpass them.” … All kinds of conjecture made the indecisive Nicholas II even more confused. In the end, they came to one common conclusion: this state of affairs was very bad for the Russian Empire. If it was bad for them, then there was no question. They had to find a way to break it. As for the idea of realizing the Yellow Russia Plan and taking India, that would have to remain a dream for now. Even with Nicholas II’s large appetite, he did not believe his country could achieve both plans in a short time. Still, a ruler must dream. If you do not even dream, what is the difference between you and a salted fish? Clutching his ambitions, Nicholas II frowned and asked, “How do we stop it? Appointing colonial governors is the Holy Roman Empire’s internal matter. We have no grounds at all to object.” Intervening in another country’s internal affairs is always taboo. Even though Russia and Austria are allies, the Russian government has no room to meddle in this matter. If they were to interfere clumsily, not only would it have no effect, it would actually worsen relations between the two countries. Prime Minister Sergei Witte said, “Of course we cannot intervene directly, but we can make trouble for them elsewhere. Your Majesty, France is already utterly ruined. Any hope of extracting reparations from the French is hopelessly distant. At this point, keeping troops in France makes no sense for the Empire. We should withdraw.” Clearly, the matter is not as simple as “withdrawing the troops.” If they want to create trouble for the Holy Roman Empire, they cannot leave a stable France behind. In fact, France has never been stable. Now, with just a little extra push, it can easily be turned into a quagmire. Sabotage is something the Russian army specializes in. Once the restraints are lifted, France will immediately be engulfed in chaos. Foreign Minister Mikhailovich objected, “Prime Minister, now is not the time to withdraw the troops. Even though France has lost its value, we must not forget the international implications. As a member of the anti-French alliance, if we withdraw without a justified reason, it will surely provoke dissatisfaction among the other nations toward the Empire. Unless there is a reason that all parties can accept, rushing to pull out our troops while deliberately causing trouble in France will destroy decades of painstaking diplomatic efforts. Once lost, it will be extremely difficult to recover.” Politics has always been complex. Looking at a situation from only one angle is clearly unwise. Although the Russian government’s “diplomatic achievements” have not been remarkable, something is better than nothing. Going from zero to one is far more difficult than going from one to two. If the Russian government lets go at this moment, it would be considered a betrayal by the anti-French alliance. Traitors are always the most detestable. Not only would Russia find it impossible to operate in the European world, but the Russian-Austrian alliance would also be thrown into disarray. Finding an “excuse” is easy, but finding one that all parties can accept is far from simple. Since they are participating in the international community, they inevitably have to abide by its rules. Even the Russian Empire cannot be an exception. Scanning the room and seeing no one opposing him, Nicholas II let out a quiet sigh. Diplomacy has always been a weak point for the Russian government. Every Tsar has tried to change this pattern, but for various reasons, all attempts ended in failure. In comparison, Alexander III was the most successful in this regard. His diplomatic strategies have been carried forward to the present. The young and impetuous Nicholas II naturally could not bear to remain in his father’s shadow and constantly wanted to advance further. However, plans always lag behind changes. The earlier atrocities committed by the Russian army in France had provoked widespread outrage. Fortunately, there were more members of the anti-French alliance to keep things under control. If the Russian Empire were to cut themselves off from the anti-French alliance now, it seems that the Russian Empire would no longer be able to function in the international community. Reputation ruined would be one thing, but the real problem would be the collapse of international trade.
[Previous | Table of Contents | Next]
Comments
Post a Comment