Politics was strange in this way. Once the American government failed to take shape, international political pressure suddenly evaporated. As if out of sympathy for the United States’ misfortune, not only were various punitive measures suspended, even the payment of war reparations was allowed to be postponed. On the surface, the easing of the international situation should have been cause for celebration. Yet among America’s more clear sighted figures, it instead triggered deep anxiety. Continued pressure from the alliance would certainly have inflicted heavy losses on the United States, but external pressure also had the effect of forcing the American public to unite. There had originally been plans to use the crisis to divert public attention and reconcile disputes among the federal states over the scale of reparations. At the very least, the priority had been to finish building the framework, reestablish the central government first. Now, all of that had turned into an illusion overnight. Everyone knew this was the enemy’s open stratagem. Yet once concrete interests were involved, none of the federal states could afford to back down. War reparations were an astronomical sum. Conceding even a single percent would saddle a state government with a crushing financial burden. That extra money would inevitably be passed on to the public and to businesses. Politicians might lack scruples, but they could not afford to lose votes. Everyone understood that if this deadlock continued, something disastrous would eventually happen. Unfortunately, when real money was on the line, no one could produce a solution acceptable to all sides. Each federal state had its own leadership. One or two days without a central government posed no problem. One or two months without one was still manageable. But one or two years without a central government would mean serious trouble. Not everyone wanted someone ruling over them. Even though the presence of the federal government had already become faint, it still could not suppress the ambitions of those who sought power. Once people grew accustomed to life without a US government, then the US government truly would be finished. At its core, the United States was merely a century-old immigrant nation, lacking any deep rooted cohesion. Its unity had always been driven by interests. If it could come together because of interests, it could just as easily split apart for the same reason. It was easy to imagine that after this crisis, even if the United States did not formally break apart, it would follow the path of the neighboring alliance states and shift from a federation to a confederation. On the surface, it appeared to be nothing more than a change of a single word. In reality, it represented a fundamental transformation in nature. The relationship between the states and the central government effectively turned into one between partners. When everyone was happy, they played together. When they were unhappy, a state could withdraw at any moment to make a point. Over the past several decades, news of member states threatening to withdraw from the alliance states had surfaced more than once, and some states had even taken concrete action. Of course, behind these comings and goings, the US government was never absent as a hidden hand. Operating on the principle of “if we cannot kill you, we will at least disgust you,” successive Washington administrations had always enjoyed stirring trouble on this front. Unfortunately for them, while the alliance states made a show of causing trouble, the presence of the United States as a looming danger meant that none of them dared to truly abandon collective unity. Once tempers cooled, they inevitably closed ranks again. At first, everyone merely watched as spectators, treating it as a joke. No one expected the wheel of fortune to turn so quickly, and that it would now be their own turn. … The Americas were unstable, and Eastern Europe was no more peaceful. After the Russian government rejected the Continental Alliance’s so-called goodwill mediation, the civil war situation once again spiraled rapidly out of control. As waves of “volunteers” poured toward the anti-Russian front, the tide of independence surged to a new peak. What had originally been the Finnish independence forces’ plan to hold defensible terrain turned into an offensive push. They emerged from their positions, and together with the insurgents in the Poland-Lithuania region, all set their sights on the same objective, Saint Petersburg. That was not the end of it. After driving out Russian troops, the Bulgarians in the Balkans launched the Battle of Constantinople, also known as Tsargrad. Rebel forces in the Caucasus were equally unwilling to be left out. They were now advancing along the Volga River. Their specific strategic objective could not yet be determined in the short term. It appeared they intended to fight wherever circumstances allowed. The Ukrainian independence movement also entered its peak phase. With the assistance of “volunteers,” the independence forces gradually gained the upper hand on the battlefield. Central Asia remained mired in chaos, with no sign of improvement whatsoever. Siberia, by contrast, held the advantage, but that advantage was of little practical significance. … It was not that the Russian army was not trying. The problem was that the insurgents were simply too brazen. Aircraft and tanks had already appeared on the battlefield, leaving government forces, short of guns and ammunition, to suffer terribly. Suppressing a rebellion? No. This was clearly a war against the European world itself. And the true culprit behind it all was the international “mediation” that had been rejected earlier. Now it was too late for regret. The Continental Alliance had the main body of the Russian army firmly pinned on the front lines, leaving the Russian government with no choice but to send farmers who had barely put down their hoes onto the battlefield. As the situation deteriorated, an increasing number of ethnic minorities within Russia joined the tide of national independence movements. If one were to trace the root cause, it all led back to an article titled “On National Independence Movements”. For a single piece of writing to have such an impact, its author was obviously no ordinary figure. That had happened half a year earlier. Simply to add to Russia’s troubles, Franz had published “On National Independence Movements” in the Austrian Daily. In the article, he clearly laid out his position, namely: “For peoples who possess their own civilization, a long and continuous historical and cultural tradition, who have lived in a particular region for an extended period of time, no less than five hundred years, and who possess a strong desire for independence, independence should be granted.” There was no doubt that this was a classic case of having already eaten one’s fill and then smashing the pot. Had such words been spoken thirty or forty years earlier, they would have been taken as a declaration of irreconcilable enmity. Yet politics was just that subtle. Once one’s own nationalities problem had been resolved, it became a convenient tool for stirring up trouble elsewhere. In fact, Franz had already shown considerable restraint. While supporting national independence movements, he had attached numerous preconditions. The reason was naturally to avoid collateral damage. This was the age of colonial empires, and once national independence movements surged, the first to be hit would be the great colonial powers. Unlike the Holy Roman Empire’s colonies, which were vast and sparsely populated and thus largely insulated from such shocks, other colonial empires were in a very different situation. Especially those lesser allies who had just divided up India. Which of them did not rule over tens of millions of people? If unrest broke out, it would be truly deadly. Length of residence and population proportion were not particularly troublesome issues. The real sticking point lay in “civilization” and “historical culture.” There were no concrete standards for such things. If the European world believed they existed, then they existed. If it believed they did not, then they did not. Even so, unintended damage still occurred. According to incomplete statistics, after Franz published “On National Independence Movements”, the number of national independence incidents worldwide in the second half of 1905 doubled outright. The country most severely affected was, naturally, Russia. The target could not have been clearer. For enlightened figures among the various ethnic groups seeking independence, this was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that could not possibly be missed. Beyond this political signal, there was another highly watched development. The Russo-Austrian Alliance was due to expire at the end of the year. Judging from the current situation, the likelihood of renewal was approaching zero. Once the Russo-Austrian Alliance came to an end, the international environment facing the Russian government would become even more perilous. … The year 1905 was destined to be extraordinary. Major events surged one after another, from the beginning of the year all the way to its end. At Franz’s prompting, on November 7, 1905, the Imperial Diet passed proposals to elevate the Austrian Central American colonies into the Archduchy of Latin America, to elevate Austrian Southeast Asia into the Archduchy of the Southeast Asia, and to elevate the Austrian North American colonies into the Archduchy of the Maple Leaf. One step at a time. In order to give everyone a period of adjustment, Franz personally assumed the role of king. The results proved that this approach was indeed effective. The earlier criticisms surrounding the three archduchies quickly faded away. In the eyes of many opponents, the Emperor personally taking on the title of king was itself a signal of concession. One only needed to look at Franz’s list of titles to understand this. It was the kind of thing that had tormented countless students. With so many titles attached to him, the Holy Roman Empire was still the Holy Roman Empire. Its system of rule had not changed simply because the Emperor added another title to his name. At the end of the day, it was merely a matter of nomenclature. There was no need to oppose the Emperor over such a minor issue. After all, the opposition was directed at the establishment of constituent states, not at the Emperor himself. … At the Vienna Palace, Franz looked at the abdication edict he had already drafted. After confirming that there were no issues, he spoke slowly. “Release it.” “Father…” Before Frederick could finish speaking, Franz interrupted him, “Enough. There is no need to say more. Since I have already decided to abdicate after Christmas, that decision will not change. Do not worry. Tell the outside world that my health is poor and that I need prolonged rest. At seventy or eighty years of age, who could accuse me of pretending to be ill? From this moment on, you must learn to adapt to life as a monarch. All the major and minor problems you encounter in the future will be yours to face alone. The throne is not only an honor, but also a responsibility. You have already seen a great deal over the years, but it is still not enough. The world of monarchs is far more brutal than you imagine. As the ruler who restored the Habsburg dynasty, the outside world has elevated my position far too highly. Even when I truly make mistakes, people will instinctively invent countless justifications on my behalf. Especially over the past decade or so, I have practically been deified. Just look at the parliament. In recent years, any proposal I supported passed unanimously. Those proposals passed not because of their content, but because the person backing them was me, Franz Joseph. That is deeply frightening. If this continues, I fear I might even lose myself and genuinely believe that I am omnipotent. The greatest virtue of a man is self-awareness. We are all ordinary people among the masses. At most, we stand a bit higher, see a bit farther, and are perhaps a little smarter than average. In essence, we are still ordinary people. To withdraw at this moment is the best choice for the state, for the family, and for myself. You, however, will have a harder time. Having a father like me means that in the years to come you will inevitably be compared against me and scrutinized. That will require you to maintain a calm heart and to face everything rationally.” Excessive prestige was, at times, a burden. If an heir lacked sufficient mental resilience, it was all too easy to fall into disaster. On this point, Franz felt little concern. Frederick was no longer young. His mind was already mature, and moreover, Franz himself would still be watching from behind. As the one experiencing it firsthand, Franz now fully understood why so many ancient emperors were wise and capable in their youth, only to commit endless errors in old age. Living every day amid flattery, hearing lies repeated often enough, those lies eventually began to sound like truth. Compared with those predecessors, Franz still had a choice. To ensure a smooth withdrawal this time, Franz did not hesitate to use “poor health” as an excuse. Given his age, the explanation was highly convincing. The Emperor had exhausted himself for the sake of the state and, worn down by years of toil, was forced to abdicate early. Whether others believed it or not hardly mattered. Franz himself believed it. With the major event of an imperial abdication drawing all attention, passing the crowns of the three archduchies to his three younger sons was hardly worth mentioning. After all, it was only natural for an aging father to favor his children. The eldest son inherited the core legacy, while the other sons were given territories to secure their livelihoods. This aligned perfectly with European tradition. At the end of the day, they were merely colonies. Since they were widely regarded as remote and underdeveloped lands, most people found the arrangement acceptable. Even if someone wished to object, this was not the moment to speak up. After all, the Emperor was supposedly gravely ill. If anyone caused trouble at such a time and disrupted the Emperor’s “recuperation,” leading to his untimely meeting with God, the consequences would be catastrophic. Given Franz’s influence, such a person would have no place left in the Holy Roman Empire. That prospect alone was enough to deter any political figure. To see the constituent state plan through to completion, Franz truly spared no effort, even making use of himself as part of the strategy.
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