Holy Roman Empire Chapter 1087 - The Russian Government Preoccupied with Internal Strife (Bonus Chapter)

                                            

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        In Saint Petersburg, the sudden announcement that Japan had severed diplomatic relations left the Russian government completely stunned. Everyone wore the same expression of disbelief, wondering how the Japanese even dared to do such a thing.         Whatever the reason, the fact was that it had already happened. Aside from being furious, the Russian officials had no choice but to face reality.         Just as they recovered from their shock and began shouting about teaching Japan a lesson, something even harder for them to accept took place.         On February 8, 1904, Japan launched a surprise attack without declaring war and struck the Russian forces in the Far East.         Japan had made the choice on behalf of the Russian government. At this point, there was no longer anything to argue about. Whether they wanted to or not, they had no choice but to fight.         Of course, a temporary strategic withdrawal from the Far East, waiting for the Trans-Siberian Railway to be completed before settling accounts with Japan, might have been a more rational option. But the Russian government simply could not do that.         No major power could tolerate losing territory without declaring war. If they chose to swallow the humiliation, the public at home would likely revolt.         The pride of the Slavic warrior spirit tolerated many things, but never cowardice from the Tsar.         From this perspective, blaming Nicholas II alone for the war in the original timeline was unfair. Once Japan had already attacked, the Russian government could hardly just sit there and take the beating without fighting back.         That did not mean Nicholas II bore no responsibility. His biggest failure lay in strategic misjudgment. He stubbornly believed that Japan did not dare begin a war, so he made no preparations at all.         The situation now was similar to history. The butterfly effect had caused large changes, but it still had not altered the Russian government’s own mistaken assumptions.         If not for receiving actual reports from the front lines, they would never have believed that Japan had truly attacked the Russian Empire without warning.         One could only say that the Japanese government chose the wrong timing. Had they launched the attack on April Fools’ Day or the day before, the Russian government might have dismissed the frontline reports as nonsense.         …         After several years on the throne, Nicholas II’s self-control had improved significantly. He could at least hold back his emotions with some difficulty.         “The war has begun. What plans does the government have?”         Anyone who knew Nicholas II understood that the calmer he appeared at times like this, the angrier he actually was.         Although the strategic misjudgment had been a collective decision, the government still had to take responsibility on its own initiative.         Prime Minister Sergei Witte stepped forward and said, “Your Majesty, with the empire’s current strength in the Far East, it will be difficult to defeat the Japanese. In the short term, we can only be on the defensive.         The urgent task is to gather our forces and hold several key strategic positions. Once the Trans-Siberian Railway is operational, we can send large reinforcements.         After that, we must secure support from the Holy Roman government. Although we have the Russo-Austrian alliance, it is an agreement with Austria alone and does not represent the entire Holy Roman Empire.         Given Emperor Franz’s usual style, he will certainly offer some level of support, but the extent of that support will depend on our diplomatic efforts.         “However, Japan’s surprise attack without a declaration of war violated international norms and openly challenged the Vienna System. The Holy Roman government is likely very displeased with Japan right now.         If we can gain their full backing, winning broader international support will become much easier.         “After all, we are still a European nation. No European country wants to see Europe humiliated by what they consider Japanese natives.         The recent Philippine War proved this. For the sake of Western prestige, European powers at the time instinctively leaned toward the side of their own civilization.         If possible, we should try to bring Spain in. The Philippine War ended less than ten years ago, and if given the chance, the Spanish would certainly not mind beating a weakened opponent.         With Spain’s help, landing operations would no longer be so difficult. And with the Holy Roman Empire restraining the British, the combined forces of the Russian and Spanish navies should be capable of defeating the Japanese fleet.”         Witte’s analysis was sound in general, but at every step the details were flawed.         Holding key strategic positions sounded easy in theory, but once put into practice, countless problems immediately appeared.         The first and most pressing problem was supplies. Although the Russian army had stockpiled some materials in the Far East, it was far from enough to last until the Trans-Siberian Railway became fully operational.         In the original timeline, many keyboard critics mocked Russian commanders for their poor decisions. They failed to understand that many so-called mistakes were forced by circumstances.         No matter how great a strategy might be, it could not override hunger. A commander’s first duty was not to win battles, but to find a way to fill the soldiers’ stomachs and keep strategic supplies flowing.         When forces were scattered, some supplies could still be gathered locally. Once the troops concentrated, however, logistics became the real test.         As for securing international support, that was even more unrealistic. Spain was Spain, and Russia was Russia. In the European world, the two represented entirely different concepts.         It was true that Europeans did not want to see white men defeated by those they viewed as natives, but this was only public sentiment, not the official stance of their governments.         European governments had been willing to support Spain because a declining Spain threatened no one, and with the Holy Roman Empire taking the lead in giving Japan trouble, everyone else could comfortably show symbolic support.         Replacing Spain with the Russian Empire was a completely different matter. Even the Holy Roman Empire treated Russia with caution, and the other European nations felt that way even more strongly.         Waving the banner of Europe would not help. The debate over whether Russia was truly a European country or an Asian one had not been settled even in later centuries, and resolving it in this era was impossible.         Moreover, the heavy-handed behavior of the Russian government had offended many abroad. Those hoping to see Russia defeated far outnumbered those hoping for a Russian victory.         Under these circumstances, the fact that no one was taking the opportunity to strike Russia from behind was already a show of restraint. Expecting help was nothing but a dream.         If Japan’s actions had not also irritated many people, public opinion would have already turned entirely against Russia. The momentum of the times was beyond what any individual could change.             The only practical option was to win over Spain, but the Russian government had chosen the wrong moment.         If this had happened during the Philippine War, the Spanish government would definitely have allied with them. At this point, though, it was out of the question.         Spain was overwhelmed by its own internal conflicts, and the government was already stretched thin. Who would still have the time or energy to think about taking revenge on Japan?         Of course, while no practical retaliation would happen, showing support in spirit was still possible.         They probably would not even need to be persuaded. The Spanish government would likely cheer for Russia on its own initiative, but it would end at cheering and nothing more.         As prime minister, Sergei Witte was fully aware of all these problems. Even if he failed to notice something, his advisory team would remind him.         Since he understood everything yet continued to pretend otherwise, he naturally had a reason. Avoiding discouragement was one thing, but more importantly, politics demanded it.         Someone had to take responsibility for the strategic misjudgment, and as prime minister, Witte could not escape blame. If he did not want to leave office in humiliation, he had to find some way to make up for it.         The key to deciding the war was still strength. Without the power to reverse the balance in the Far East, there was no turning the situation around.         But since the tsar had already asked, Witte could not pretend he had not heard, nor could he admit that he had no solution.         Politics required buying time first. How the war would actually be fought was the military’s business. As prime minister, handling logistics was enough.         The moment he finished speaking, Mikhailovich’s expression tensed. Whether the army could carry out the plan was uncertain, but the Foreign Ministry certainly could not.         Dragged into trouble by association, Mikhailovich no longer cared about saving face for the prime minister. He immediately objected, “Prime Minister, do not forget the British. We may have the Russo-Austrian Alliance, but the Japanese have the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Whether we like it or not, Britain is the strongest power in the Far East.         Even in this war, Britain is probably the one who planned everything. Without their support behind the scenes, the Japanese government would never have dared to attack us.         What we face now is not only a war against Japan, but a strategic struggle with Britain. With Britain stirring things up, there is no way we can win support from the international community. European countries will not take sides lightly.         Realistically, the only countries the Foreign Ministry can win over are the Holy Roman Empire and Spain. But with Britain interfering, even those two cannot provide meaningful help to us in the Far East.”         There was no helping it. In those days, the British Empire truly was that powerful. Even with the Holy Roman Empire rising strongly, it still could not overshadow Britain’s strength.         Besides, Britain already held the dominant position in the Far East. The Holy Roman Empire had only entered the region later, and its influence there was far weaker.         If not for its prestige from defeating France, it might still have been treated as a second-rate power. Now, the conflict between the Holy Roman Empire and Britain was not only about interests but also about reputation.         An individual might be able to disregard fame and status, but a state could not. Without a formidable reputation to command respect, nothing could be accomplished easily.         The Minister of War, Yevgeny, spoke next: “The problems are not only diplomatic. The military situation is filled with difficulties as well. Our forces in the Far East are limited, while Japan can mobilize several times more troops than we can.         Strategic withdrawal would have been the best option, but the empire failed to prepare for war in advance, and the stockpiles in each region are insufficient.         To maintain our logistics, we can only station troops in multiple positions, resisting step by step to buy time for reinforcements to arrive.         From a military standpoint, nothing is more important now than getting the Trans-Siberian Railway operational. I propose that construction continue around the clock so we can open it as soon as possible.         Next, we must immediately assemble procurement missions to go to Europe and purchase strategic materials. If we hesitate, the Japanese will beat us to it.”         This might seem like kicking someone when they were already down, but politics was always about sacrificing others to protect oneself. Someone had to take responsibility for the strategic misjudgment. If the prime minister did not shoulder it, then everyone else would be blamed.         Bearing responsibility, however, did not necessarily mean stepping down immediately. Whether someone would lose their position ultimately depended on what happened on the battlefield. If the front lines achieved victory, everyone could still walk away satisfied.         In the original timeline, Sergei Witte was forced to resign a year later because he took responsibility for the misjudgment while the Russian army continued to suffer defeat, and the government needed to give the public an explanation.         As for the later claims online about anti-war sentiment or disagreements with the Russian government’s policies, those are complete nonsense and probably cannot even be considered contributing factors.         The Russo-Japanese War began because the Japanese attacked first. The Russian government only responded passively and had no real choice. Anti-war sentiment would not demand that frontline troops take hits without fighting back.         As for disagreements in policy, that is even more ridiculous. From the moment Nicholas II took the throne, Sergei Witte had been an important minister of the Russian government. He worked in that position for more than ten years and was later promoted to prime minister.         If there had truly been political friction, there would not have been such a story. Given Nicholas II’s temperament, anyone he disliked would have been kicked aside immediately.         If he had a choice, Yevgeny would not want to add fuel to the fire either. But there was no alternative. If he kept pretending everything was fine, it would not be long before he would be the one in trouble.         War is not child’s play. No one understood the situation on the frontlines better than the Minister of War.         If he did not give an early warning, how would they handle the wave of bad news once defeats began to arrive?         Just look at the wording: “dividing troops to defend,” “holding out step by step,” “buying time.” This was clearly preparing everyone mentally for reports of “defeats on the frontlines.”         Any turnaround could only be hoped for after the Trans-Siberian Railway was opened, and that would happen later than in the original timeline.         Even if they did not care about the lives of the French laborers, it was impossible to rush the railway to completion in a single leap.         The situation had already deteriorated, yet the officials below were still fighting for power and shirking responsibility. Even though Nicholas II had improved his ability to remain calm, he could no longer contain his anger.         He suddenly slapped the table and shouted, “At a time like this, instead of trying to solve the problem, all of you are busy pushing responsibility onto others. Do not forget your place!”         This was a dilemma every monarch had to face. If the officials below got along too well, he had to worry about them forming cliques. If the officials fought constantly, it would undermine political governance. In a sense, this was the monarch’s inherent contradiction.         In ordinary times, everyone enjoys playing with the balance of power and allows those below them to fight among themselves. When a critical moment arrives, the same people suddenly expect unity.         Without any doubt, there is no such official who can meet both expectations at the same time. Most people are selfish, and bureaucrats are no exception. Everyone thinks of themselves first.         Do not assume they truly enjoy political struggle. More often than not, they simply have no choice. Where there are people, there are rivalries, and where there are bureaucrats, there are factions.         Even if someone wants to stop fighting, those below will never agree. In most cases, retreating in politics does not lead to peace, it leads to disaster.         Take the situation right now. If all the ministers were to hold the same opinion, Nicholas II might appear pleased, but he certainly would not be able to sleep that night.         As for solving the problem, in truth every department had already begun to take action. The Ministry of Finance was trying to raise funds, the Ministry of War was mobilizing troops, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was working tirelessly like a swarm of bees.         Although actions were being taken, most of them were reactive. No one could realistically expect a perfect solution within a few short hours.         If Nicholas II had held the meeting a little later, the situation would have been much better. At the very least, it would not have been filled with so many empty formalities.         …         In the Far East, as the initiator of the war, Japan displayed unprecedented fervor. As soon as the Japanese government issued the conscription order, a wave of enlistment swept the country.         The people of Tokyo in particular seemed to have been stirred by the earlier embassy incident, showing even greater enthusiasm than others.         Government offices, schools, shops, and factories all hung banners calling for the shame to be washed away.         The criminals who had been sentenced to death in the embassy case were now being enshrined in shrines as heroes, and all kinds of folk rituals were taking place one after another.         If not for concern over the foreign legations, the Japanese government itself might have taken part in the ceremonies. In any case, the earlier verdicts had already been overturned by public sentiment.         Even Japanese students who had been preparing to take the entrance examinations for Nanyang University set aside their books and joined this war that was believed to determine the fate of the nation.         Against the backdrop of nationwide cries for revenge, the few rational voices could not make any impact.         There was no such thing as an anti-war movement. Even those who opposed the war kept quiet, only thinking secretly to themselves when no one else was around.         Even foreigners living in Japan were affected. As allies of the Russians, the Holy Roman Empire’s embassy in Tokyo had recently kept a very low profile.         From this perspective, the Russian embassy incident still had some value for Japan, at least in curbing the arrogance of the foreign embassies.         The saying goes that those with nothing to lose fear no one. Japan was exactly like that at this moment. With nationalistic fervor pushed to the limit, even the slightest spark could ignite an explosion.         However, this sort of psychological stimulation could not last forever. If the army continued to win on the frontlines, the enthusiasm could be sustained for a long time.         But once the army suffered a major defeat, the fragile national spirit of Japan would collapse instantly.         In this gamble, Japan was staking not only its army and colonies but also its national spirit.         Japan had once again stepped onto the same path as in the original timeline. If it lost, it would lose everything. If it won, it would experience a rebirth through fire, laying the foundation for a great power, and the world would gain another major player.

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