There is no such thing as perfection in this world. The Japanese may not have a sharp blade, but being struck by it still hurts. The most important reason they cannot kill the Russian Bear is that the Russian Empire’s territory is simply too vast, even larger than in the original timeline. The worst outcome of the Russo-Japanese War would only be the loss of the Far East, and that would be the end of it. With Japan’s strength, it is impossible to break through Siberia. After a moment of silence, Frederick slowly said, “Japan alone is not enough, but it becomes different when combined with other nations that seek independence. Finland, the Baltic region, Poland, Bulgaria, Afghanistan, and Central Asia all have anti-Russian forces. When the Russian Empire was powerful, these forces could not achieve anything, but when the Russian Bear declined, the situation changed. If the strength of these independence groups is insufficient, then we can add the Russian revolutionaries. The reforms of Alexander II eased the social contradictions of the Russian Empire to some extent, but the core conflicts remain. The Russian people can tolerate their government losing to European countries, but they will never accept defeat at the hands of the uncivilized Japanese. Together with the bourgeoisie who are dissatisfied with the distribution of power, as long as we give them a push from behind, the possibility of revolution breaking out in Russia becomes very high.” Clearly, Frederick had done his homework. He was fully aware of the internal dangers facing the Russian Empire. For a giant like the Russian Empire, destroying it from the outside is far too difficult. The only force capable of bringing it down is the empire itself. For the Holy Roman Empire, a Russia that has fallen into division and decline is the best kind of ally. Franz hesitated. He had to admit that Frederick’s plan was indeed highly feasible. Even if the plan failed, the Holy Roman Empire would not suffer any losses. From beginning to end, the Austrian government would remain the Russian government’s loyal ally and would have nothing to do with any of the anti-Russian forces. If the plan succeeded, the threat on land would be completely removed, and the Holy Roman Empire could devote itself fully to the sea and compete with Britain for supremacy. The only problem lay in the fact that revolutions were full of uncertainty. As a monarch, Franz always kept his distance from ideas such as revolution and nationalist independence movements. Only now was he even willing to entertain such ideas. Had this been a few decades earlier, he would not have needed to think twice. He would have rejected it outright. The reason was simple: he feared picking up a stone only to drop it on his own foot and trigger uncontrollable consequences. But the situation is different now. After so many years of development, the Holy Roman Empire, with unified language and culture, had a solid foundation. Compared to other countries of the era, its citizens still had a strong sense of superiority. The state was powerful, and the standard of living of the people was clearly at the top. Social conflicts had not disappeared, but they were far from reaching the point of rebellion. Even if a revolutionary wave swept across the world, the Holy Roman Empire would only be lightly affected. The problem was that the Holy Roman Empire was no longer standing alone. The fact that it could endure the impact did not mean its smaller allies could. Armenia, steeped in feudal traditions, Spain, riddled with internal conflicts, the Italian states undergoing social reforms, little Greece with its active nationalist ideas, and France suffering in misery. These were all places where revolutionary thought could easily take root. If a single shot were fired in the Russian Empire, the entire European continent might be transformed overnight. If revolutions erupted one by one, Franz believed he could handle them. But if they all surged forth at once, the Holy Roman Empire would be stretched to its limits. “The plan sounds good, but we must strike the right balance. The Russian Empire can be allowed to collapse, but the Russian government must remain. We can push from behind, but we cannot intervene directly in Russia’s internal turmoil. We must not leave any trace of ourselves, whether in secretly supporting revolutionaries or independence movements.” Franz was not being hypocritical. It was simply a political necessity. Betraying an ally was something to do quietly in the dark. If it were brought into the open, the game would be over. … In Tokyo, as the navies of Britain and the Holy Roman Empire arrived, the diplomatic corps grew increasingly firm in their stance toward the Japanese government. To be precise, it was the Holy Roman Empire exerting pressure, while the other nations merely followed along, and the British remained silent most of the time. This outcome was inevitable. Regardless of what happened in secret, publicly Russia and Austria were still allies. Now that the embassy of their ally had been massacred by the Japanese, it would be suspicious if the Holy Roman Empire showed no reaction at all. The other nations followed suit because the Japanese had violated diplomatic norms. These norms did not only protect the interests of the great powers. They also protected the small states. Only when everyone adhered to the rules could diplomacy function normally. A great power was rarely provoked, and even if something happened, it could retaliate. Small states, on the other hand, were helpless in dealing with events that occurred far away. Even when they were gravely wronged, they could only swallow their grievances. Now everyone was demanding severe punishment for the Japanese government. In essence, this was a warning born from shared anxiety, using Japan as an example to deter others. As the saying goes, anger shared by all is hard to resist. Britain, which prided itself on being civilized, was certainly not going to go against the other nations just to defend Japanese interests. If punishment was necessary, then so be it. It was not as if the Holy Roman Empire had mobilized an allied army. The “severe punishment” everyone demanded simply meant executing a few more officials responsible and humiliating the Japanese government. The dead were Japanese, and the one losing face was also the Japanese government. In the eyes of British Ambassador Henriks, this was hardly an issue. If it were not for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Henriks would have pressured the Japanese government even further and forced them to hand over investigative authority in the case. As fellow diplomats, Henriks and the rest of the diplomatic corps shared the same position when it came to protecting the safety of diplomatic personnel. A thunderous rumble echoed, like lightning crashing from the sky. Emperor Meiji, who was in the middle of his meal, instinctively dropped his utensils. He hurriedly ordered the maid, “Send someone at once to see who is firing cannons!” Times are different now. Ever since the British and Holy Roman navies arrived in the Sea of Japan, the Japanese navy had been confined to its barracks, and even boarding their ships was prohibited. The Japanese government was being extremely careful because they feared that some hot-blooded young officers might lose their composure and go out to challenge the British and Austrian fleets. Betting the nation’s fate on provoking the Russian Empire had already been reckless enough. If they provoked yet another great power, Japan would be truly finished. … At the Naval General Staff Office, Admiral Itō Sukeyuki glared with a dark expression at the mass of petitioning officers and scolded them, “Fools, all of you. Do you not see what time it is? You want to go out to sea for training? Do you take me for an idiot? You think winning two battles makes you invincible? If you leave port now, I guarantee that within two hours every one of you will be feeding the sharks…” He continued, “Pass down the order. All personnel are to return to their quarters and rest immediately. No matter what happens, no one is allowed to board any ship.” There was no other choice. Moments earlier, the British and Austrian fleets had conducted a live-fire test toward the harbor. Since they had not aimed at any coastal buildings, the shells exploded in the water not far from the port. But even that was enough to enrage the Japanese sailors. Overcome with anger, their reasoning evaporated. In a moment of heated impulse, they rushed in to petition for permission to put to sea for training and drive off the “enemy fleets” outside. Just because the men below had lost their minds did not mean Itō Sukeyuki would lose his as well. If they really went out looking for trouble, the foreign fleets might wipe them out in a single strike. Although the Anglo-Japanese Alliance existed, under normal circumstances the Royal Navy would not strike the Japanese navy. Japan also had no core conflicts of interest with the Holy Roman Empire, so it was unlikely they would attack Japan either. However, political matters were always decided by the higher-ups. There were radical factions within the Japanese navy, and there were also radical factions within the British and Austrian fleets. If they encountered each other, no one could be sure whether a real fight would break out. At the very least, Itō Sukeyuki did not believe that the Japanese navy had the strength to make the other side back down. Japan had worked hard to build up its naval forces. If an actual battle broke out, everything would be ruined. Even if they did not end up feeding the sharks within two hours, heavy losses and severe damage to their strength would be unavoidable. A navy was not the same as an army. In comparison, the Japanese navy was still relatively rational. At the very least, under Ito Itō Sukeyuki’s strict orders, everyone obediently returned to the barracks. After handling the troublemakers, Itō Sukeyuki immediately rushed to the Imperial Palace. This time the foreign fleets had only fired a test round into the water, causing minimal damage. But no one could guarantee that next time they would not aim at buildings along the coast. Itō Sukeyuki had personally experienced how domineering the European powers were in these times. He did not believe the foreign fleets would hesitate to use real force. … Suppressing his anger, Emperor Meiji slowly asked, “The diplomatic corps has already used military pressure. What do you think we should do now?” There was no doubt that the presence of the British and Austrian fleets in Tokyo Bay was a major problem for the Japanese government. Not only did Japan stand no chance of winning, even if victory were somehow possible, the government did not dare strike first. Fortunately, this was only military pressure and not an actual bombardment. Otherwise, the Japanese government would have nothing left but tears. Minister of War Yamagata Aritomo replied, “Your Majesty, please rest assured. We have confirmed that only the British and Austrian naval forces entered Tokyo Bay, and they did not bring any marine landing units. The diplomatic corps is bluffing and intends to use political extortion to force us into concessions. They do not have the capability to launch a landing operation. The number of foreign troops stationed in East Asia is limited. Even if they deploy all their forces, the army still has the ability to defend the safety of Honshu.” Everyone ignored Yamagata Aritomo’s confident assurances. Only someone whose brain had been soaked in water would even consider going to war with the great powers. What was the point of defending Honshu? Japan was a resource-poor island nation. If the enemy blockaded the seas for a year or so, Japan would collapse on its own. The diplomatic corps’ display of force could be mere political intimidation, but it could also become real at any moment. If the British were not acting as a reluctant participant and slowing things down inside the diplomatic corps, the Japanese government would have backed down long ago. Foreign Minister Inoue Kaoru said, “Actually, the conditions set by the diplomatic corps are not entirely unacceptable. Their demands for investigation rights and judicial authority are not aimed specifically at our empire. The Russian embassy incident frightened them. Out of shared anxiety, they want to make an example of us to restore the authority of international rules. Our enemy is only Russia. We must not mistake the diplomatic corps for our enemies. They are only confronting us because of timing and circumstance, and they were never aligned with the Russians in the first place. If we cannot settle matters with them before the Russians arrive, they may truly unite, and then the empire will be in great danger.” Prime Minister Ōkuma Shigenobu replied, “Impossible! Allowing the diplomatic corps to participate in the investigation and trial is already our maximum concession. We absolutely cannot give up control of the case. The worst thing in diplomacy is setting a precedent. Once we do, foreign nations will demand judicial authority in every future case involving their citizens...” Although Inoue Kaoru had phrased his suggestion as tactfully as possible, Ōkuma Shigenobu still found it difficult to accept. Compromising with the diplomatic corps might seem like a way to resolve the crisis, but it would mean losing sovereign authority. Both investigation rights and judicial rights were essential components of state sovereignty. Once sovereignty was involved, things became extremely complicated. In a sense, giving up control would be tantamount to betraying the country. Perhaps those present could put the national interest first, but the Japanese public outside would not see it that way. Itō Hirobumi interrupted, “Ōkuma-kun, there are priorities that must be weighed. Future troubles can be dealt with in the future. What matters most right now is overcoming the immediate crisis. In the negotiations with the diplomatic corps, I can confirm that the Holy Roman envoy is only putting on a show and has not pushed us with full strength. Even the conditions they proposed have not been excessive. Once the Russian representatives arrive, the situation will change completely. Because of the Russo–Austrian alliance, the Holy Roman Empire will certainly support the Russians. In Europe, every country on land looks to Austria for cues. If the Holy Roman Empire supports the Russians, most of the members of the diplomatic corps will side with Russia as well. At that point, the issue will no longer be simply about investigation rights and judicial authority. If the Russian government is willing to pay the price, it is not impossible for them to raise a coalition force. The British cannot be relied upon. Once the continental powers back Russia, we stand a very real chance of being abandoned. Similar situations have appeared far too many times in British history. Even the once-mighty French Empire was betrayed by them.” His words sounded somewhat alarmist, but the reasoning was sound. International politics required flexibility. A tree that is too rigid breaks easily. For a small nation, survival depends on bending and stretching as needed. In an age ruled by the law of the jungle, acting tough without restraint was nothing but a path to destruction. … With the arrival of the joint investigation team, public opinion in Japan exploded. Protest slogans echoed across all of Tokyo. Newly arrived foreign students were stunned the moment they entered the city. One young student could not hold back and blurted out, “This is Japan? It is far too chaotic.” There were demonstrators everywhere. Chaos was unavoidable. The only reason social order had not collapsed entirely was because the Japanese police were doing everything they could. The young student who had come to pick them up explained, “Japan is a country that values order above all. You just arrived at a bad time. Tokyo is usually very lively. It is just that they have run into trouble lately. The Japanese people are protesting against the Western powers for infringing on their national sovereignty.” For students from the Far East who had only just stepped outside their homeland, hearing that “Japan’s national sovereignty has been violated” was undeniably a great shock. Thanks to effective government propaganda and Japan’s victory over Spain, many people in East Asia believed Japan had already joined the ranks of the great powers. Otherwise no one would have traveled so far across the sea to learn the ways of a strong nation. Yet on their very first day in Tokyo, they witnessed this scene. “Brother Bo’an, is Japan not supposed to be a major power? How could this happen…” Before the young man could finish, the student addressed as Bo’an cut him off saying, “That is a long story. This is not the place to discuss it. Let us go to my residence first, or we may invite unnecessary trouble.” In a foreign country, the last thing one wants is trouble. The Qing Dynasty was not the type to stand up for its citizens abroad. If something happened, one had to deal with it alone. No one could count on the officials back home, who only knew how to recite flowery rhetoric. Carrying their questions with them, the group followed Bo’an into a two-story wooden house. The exterior looked somewhat old, but the interior was carefully arranged and reflected the quiet, restrained taste of Chinese families. … After brewing a pot of tea, Bo’an slowly began, “Two other students from home also live here, but they were invited to join a demonstration. I did not go because I knew you were coming. In truth, they did not want to participate either, but they could not refuse the invitation. Now that you have just arrived, avoid such situations if you can. If you truly cannot avoid them, then do not push yourselves forward. Especially during this period, only go out when absolutely necessary, and do not take part in any student associations.” The slightly older man asked, “Bo’an, you sound very cautious. What exactly has happened?” “I thought you already knew. It seems the news from home is seriously delayed. Half a month ago, anti-Russian demonstrations broke out in Tokyo. No one knows what went wrong midway, but the protesters stormed the Russian embassy in Tokyo and all Russian diplomatic staff were killed. After the incident, foreign embassies in Tokyo reacted strongly. Under the leadership of Britain and Austria, a joint delegation was formed. Once the delegation was established, they clashed fiercely with the Japanese government over the right to investigate and try the case. Yesterday at noon, British and Austrian naval forces even shelled Tokyo Bay. No one knows the details, but the Japanese government backed down. Not only did they hand over control of the case, but under pressure from the delegation, they also arrested members of several groups, including the Anti-Russian Revenge Society and the Iron-Blooded Revenge Society, during the night. When the news spread, Tokyo erupted today in a sovereignty movement. Protesters demanded that the government release those arrested and reject the delegation’s involvement in the embassy case. No matter how things turn out, Tokyo will likely remain unstable for a while. It has little to do with us, and it is best that you do not get involved.” Judging by the stunned expressions on their faces, the newcomers were clearly shocked. Get involved? That was impossible. They could barely hide quickly enough. Unless someone had a death wish, no sane person would try to take part in such chaos.
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