Where there are people, there are rivalries. Once interests are involved, everything becomes complicated. Some stood against “free trade,” while others supported it. After all, not everyone was a victim of free trade. On the contrary, many British industries had actually benefited from it. Take the coal industry, for example. Since the previous century, Britain had been the largest coal exporter in the world. Even now, nearly one-third of British coal production was destined for export. If Britain were to withdraw from the free trade system, the good days of the coal barons would come to an end. With tariff barriers rising, British coal would lose its cost advantage. For the energy industry, if it could not monopolize the market, its only true strength lay in cost. Once that advantage was gone, losing market share would be almost inevitable. Or consider the textile industry. Although industrialization had hit textile manufacturing hard, Britain still remained the world’s leading exporter of textiles. Thanks to global economic growth and expanding markets, even though Britain’s share of the international textile market had shrunk, the total export volume had barely declined. Numbers might be abstract, but profits were real. Whatever the future held, for now, the textile industry was still making money. If Britain were to leave the free trade system, every one of those export-oriented companies would suffer. Not a single one would be spared. Driven by conflicting interests, Britain’s industrial and commercial sectors were now divided. To those powerful financiers pulling the strings behind the scenes, it was a real headache. Choosing sides, whom to support and whom to oppose, was never a decision that could be made on impulse. At its core, a financial consortium was simply a collection of capital interests, lacking any real binding force. Their power only appeared overwhelming when everyone’s goals aligned. Now that internal divisions had emerged, the influence of those mighty consortiums had all but faded. If the interests of certain members were seriously harmed, the consortium could split apart at any moment. In such a situation, all the consortium leaders could do was try their best to reconcile the conflicting sides. With divisions emerging within the world of capital, the question of whether Britain should withdraw from the free trade system could not possibly be settled anytime soon. Without trade barriers to protect the domestic market, the British government’s economic stimulus policies were little more than wasted effort. No matter how the government tried to boost the economy, uncompetitive industries would remain uncompetitive. If a product lacked market appeal, no amount of incentives or subsidies could change its fate. If economic problems couldn’t be solved, political reform became even harder. Except for a few bills related to economic issues, most of the Campbell administration’s reform proposals were struck down by the House of Lords. For example: reducing the power of the House of Lords, supporting Irish self-government, granting greater autonomy to the colonies, and so on. With so many reforms threatening the vested interests of the upper class, Campbell’s days in power soon turned miserable. To protect their own privileges, the Conservatives banded together. Using Parliament as their battlefield, they launched a fierce “war of words” against the reformists. ... Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s residence. Gazing out the window into the distance, Prime Minister Campbell let out a long, heavy sigh. His mood at that moment was as gray and gloomy as the weather over London itself. Since the rise of the industrial age, London had been shrouded in smog. Especially in winter, visibility often dropped below fifty meters, a common sight for the city. If the fog lamp hadn’t been invented, driving through a London winter would have been nearly impossible. As for the weather, Campbell had no time to care about it. Ever since the reforms began, he hadn’t had a single good night’s sleep. Every day brought a fresh wave of troubles to his door. The Conservatives and the Reformists were already at each other’s throats, their conflict almost completely out in the open. The battlefield had expanded from Parliament to the entire society. The radio and the newspapers had become their main arena of combat. “Each side claims to be right,” people said, shaking their heads. As the debate raged on, not only were ordinary citizens confused, but even the intellectuals and middle-class elites found themselves lost in the chaos. In truth, Campbell himself was also starting to feel uncertain. Though the reform policies were his own proposals, after listening to the opposition’s arguments, he could no longer be sure whether the reforms would actually succeed. Better to start with the easy battles. Political reform could wait; the most urgent task now was to reform the economy and stop the worsening decline. Only by reviving the economy and earning enough public prestige could political reform be pushed further later on. After letting out a sigh to ease his frustration, Campbell turned around and asked, “Who’s got the upper hand out there now?” Unlike other countries, in Britain the Reformists and the Conservatives were evenly matched in strength. This created a strange situation: throughout the public debate, neither side could gain the upper hand for long. One day the Reformists seemed to be winning, the next day the Conservatives struck back. No one could tell how things would end. The uncertainty left the opportunists in government unwilling to pick a side. And without the support of the bureaucracy, how could reform ever move forward? Home Secretary Azevedo said, “No result yet. The hardliners are still too powerful. It’ll be difficult to determine a winner anytime soon. However, the agricultural guild we’ve been courting has started to show interest. Withdrawing from the free trade system would actually serve their interests as well.” Compared to the industrial and commercial sectors, Britain’s farmers were truly the unfortunate ones. Due to poor soil and limited arable land, the British Isles were never well-suited for large-scale agriculture, and farming costs were always high. When faced with the influx of cheap foreign agricultural products, British agriculture could do little but defend itself. It had no ability to fight back. Worse still, the farmers couldn’t even protest too loudly, because Britain’s domestic grain production wasn’t nearly enough to feed its own population. Since the country relied on imported grain, everyone naturally wanted food to be as cheap as possible. Society as a whole stood on that side, leaving farmers’ interests to be sacrificed. It wasn’t just ordinary farmers who suffered. Landowners and noble estate holders were affected as well. They still held political influence, but compared to the industrial and commercial elites, their power was far weaker. To change this disadvantage, they organized themselves into an agricultural guild, joining forces to protect their interests in politics. Yet judging from the market prices of agricultural products, it was clear the guild hadn’t achieved what people had hoped for. It wasn’t that the guild hadn’t tried. The real problem was the shamelessness of the politicians. Before taking office, they said one thing; once in power, they did another. After countless disappointments and failed investments, people had lost faith. If they hadn’t been burned so many times, those landowners and farmers would have joined in long ago. Abolishing the free trade system and establishing tariff barriers would be a huge boon for agriculture. Prime Minister Campbell nodded and sighed. “Let’s hope so. If this deadlock drags on any longer, the damage to the country will only grow worse.” The matter of the agricultural guild wasn’t mentioned at all, which made it clear that Campbell had no intention of keeping his promise. There was no helping it. Britain’s grain output was too limited to feed its own population, and imports were a necessity. Protecting domestic agriculture would only drive up the price of food, which in turn would increase the living costs of the working class. As expenses rose, so too would labor costs for businesses. And capitalists were never ones to simply accept that. Every time wages increased, it had always been won through the workers’ blood and sweat. A single misstep could trigger a nationwide strike wave. Just thinking about the consequences was enough to make any politician hesitate. ... Foreign Secretary Adam Wingate spoke up, “Let’s not focus solely on domestic troubles. There’s been no shortage of incidents abroad lately. The civil war in Venezuela drags on without end. The faction we supported has been losing ground, and that’s hindered the Empire’s expansion in the region. Not long ago, the Union and the Austrian government reached an agreement granting the United States the right to construct the Panama Canal, finally ending the diplomatic freeze between them that’s lasted since the Civil War. And now, the Far East is growing tense again. Friction between Russia and Japan is worsening, and there’s even a real chance of war breaking out there.” ... As a global empire, it was only natural for Britain to pay close attention to changes in the international situation. But Britain didn’t just observe; she intervened. Every single one of the events Wingate mentioned was directly tied to Britain’s interests, and in some cases, the British government itself had orchestrated them. Take the seemingly insignificant civil war in Venezuela, for instance. It was one of the British government’s very own moves in its campaign to expand influence across the Americas. It was just that they had started the conflict but couldn’t determine how it would end. No one had expected an ordinary civil war to drag on for years because of foreign intervention. Now that the conflict was finally nearing its end, it was unfortunate that the faction supported by the British government had been defeated. There was nothing that could be done about it. After all, Britain’s reputation wasn’t exactly good, and its conduct often left much to be desired. Because the Holy Roman Empire had risen to prominence a bit later, it never had the chance to expand its influence into Venezuela and therefore bore no particular grudge toward it. Its involvement in the Venezuelan civil war had been motivated purely by a desire to make trouble for Britain, not to invade Venezuela. On one side stood the British, who had invaded the Venezuelans’ own homeland; on the other side was the Holy Roman Empire, whose main purpose was simply to obstruct Britain. Any clear-headed Venezuelan knew which side to support, even with their eyes closed. It was just another proxy war. The main powers behind the scenes lent money and sold weapons, and naturally, the side with greater international support ended up victorious. Venezuela in those days was far from the oil-rich nation it would become. Aside from having relatively fertile land, it had little of real value and was hardly worth mentioning. Such a minor setback could not shake Britain’s dominant position in the world. Losing a proxy war only proved that its chosen agents were incompetent, not that the British Empire itself had grown weak. By contrast, the Union’s move to draw closer to the Austrian government was something truly worth worrying about. The core of international politics was always interest. Changing allegiances and choosing a new patron was nothing unusual. As long as the Austrian government was willing to offer enough benefits, winning over the United States was by no means impossible. This sort of maneuver had happened more than once before. Many of the Holy Roman Empire’s current allies had once belonged to Britain’s own camp. If small nations defected, it was manageable. But if one of Britain’s few great-power allies were to switch sides, then the British government would find itself in real trouble. “Let’s take Venezuela one step at a time,” Prime Minister Campbell said. “If another opportunity opens up, we’ll push back in. If not, we shelve it for now. But we must pay closer attention to the United States. The Foreign Office cannot afford any slip-ups at a critical moment. Emperor Franz may seem gentle and urbane, but he is a staunch hegemon. He will not tolerate a power that could threaten the Holy Roman Empire. You only have to look at how they have squeezed the United States out of Central America to see that the Austrian government will not allow a great power to arise in the Americas. With that fundamental contradiction, the United States normally would not turn toward them. Still, anything can happen. If the Austrian government is willing to pay the price for hegemony and lets the Americans swallow Canada, the Union government might be tempted. As for the Russo-Japanese tensions, that has always been part of our plan. Let their hatred deepen. We have already laid the bait. Given Russia’s appetite, as soon as the Trans-Siberian Railway opens they will be forced to push east. They have already clashed with the Japanese. It seems the Russians truly lack patience. They could not even wait a little longer.” Britain prided itself on its skill at setting traps, and when it came to stirring trouble, it took second place to none. The Trans-Siberian Railway had not yet opened, but the Russo-Japanese conflict had already been provoked. With Russia’s refusal to yield even an inch, it was no surprise a showdown with Japan broke out. … The British government was making its preparations, and the Austrian government was no idle spectator either. Both sides were gearing up for the contest to come. You had to admit the Russians were reckless. They did not even bother to hide the progress on the Trans-Siberian Railway. Thanks to an endless supply of unpaid labor, construction moved far faster than outsiders had expected. Maybe the Americans’ railway teams were that competent, or maybe French workers were treated with such disregard that their deaths counted for nothing. Whatever the reason, the Trans-Siberian Railway advanced smoothly. As the French writer Romain Rolland put it, “Every sleeper of the Trans-Siberian Railway is laid with the flesh and blood of French laborers.” Franz heartily agreed with that assessment. According to intelligence from within the Russian government, more than 250,000 French workers had died over the past few years building the railway. Whether they froze to death, succumbed to illness, starved, were worked to death, or simply died in accidents on the work sites ceased to matter. Those deaths would be charged to the Russians, and the ledger would not be forgotten by the French. From what could be seen now, the French workers who had gone into the Russian Empire were unlikely to return. There was no choice. The Russian Empire was vast, its infrastructure needs huge, and the Russian government wanted labor that cost nothing, could die without legal consequence, and left no future claims. French resentment was dismissed as irrelevant. Even if France one day rose up again, it could not cross the Holy Roman Empire to take revenge. … Palace of Vienna “The Trans-Siberian Railway is being built faster than we expected, much faster than the Central Asian Railway. According to the Russians, the Trans-Siberian Railway could be in service by 1905. Once that happens, the biggest obstacle to Russian eastward expansion will be cleared. When the railway is open, the Qing Dynasty and Japan alone may not be enough to stop the Russians. Those two states even fought a war a few years ago, so it will be hard for them to cooperate. To check Russian expansion, I plan to strengthen our… ” Before Frederick could finish, Franz cut in and said, “The Trans-Siberian Railway is not the same as the Central Asian Railway. The Central Asian Railway we helped build is double track, while the Trans-Siberian Railway designed with American help is single track. Even if the trains run, how many services do you think the Trans-Siberian Railway can handle each day? That capacity is fine for peacetime supplies. If war breaks out, the Russians will quickly feel the strain of logistics. Besides, do you not find it curious that the Americans are helping the government build this railway? The Trans-Siberian Railway is not profitable. If its operating revenue barely covers maintenance, consider it a miracle. I think only the British, who want to stir trouble in the east, would be so generous. The stage is set. I do not believe the British were unprepared. From now on, we only need to fan the flames in secret. The rest, the British government will take care of.”
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