While the Russians were busy ravaging France, trouble erupted across the Channel in Morocco. A small Spanish immigrant town was overrun by native tribes, and more than a thousand people were slaughtered without mercy. When the news spread, all of Europe was shaken. No one knew who started it, but soon every newspaper carried the same headline in bold: “The Moroccan Massacre.” Governments across the continent quickly joined the uproar, issuing strong statements one after another. Calls for vengeance and cries for war filled Europe. Backed into a corner, the Spanish government had no choice but to grit its teeth and announce a punitive expedition. It was absurdly unfair. When the Russian army butchered people in France, no one batted an eye. Yet when Moroccan tribesmen attacked Spanish colonists, the whole of Europe screamed for blood. That was the reality of the world. The Russian Bear was strong, resilient, and hard to kill. Everyone knew better than to provoke it. It was easy to shout for justice, but if those shouts ever turned into real action, someone would have to send troops. No one wanted to risk their soldiers’ lives for the sake of France. Besides, the Russians had their backing. Even though the Anti-French Alliance never openly endorsed their brutality, its members silently supported the Russian government through their actions. In the nineteenth century, Europe represented the entire international community, and the Anti-French Alliance represented Europe. There was no such thing as punishing one of their own. As long as the Russians were fighting France, they could do whatever they wanted. At most, a few newspapers would criticize them for appearances sake. If the Tsar had not been certain of his allies’ support, Nicholas II would never have dared to issue the order to capture more prisoners for railway labor. Compared to the powerful and well-connected Russians, Morocco was an easy target. This was a perfect chance for the European powers to show off their strength. Even if the situation escalated to the point where intervention became necessary, that would simply be another opportunity to profit. Bullying native peoples was what the great powers did best. They were confident they would win, so there was no reason to hesitate. Still, such a scenario was unlikely. Spain, though weakened, still liked to see itself as a great power. If it had to beg the rest of Europe for help just to deal with a few native tribes, it would lose all credibility. Whether to appease domestic outrage or to preserve the prestige of a “great power,” the Spanish government had no other choice but to send its army into Morocco to take revenge. … Staring at the telegram in his hand, Franz asked in confusion, “The Spanish government wants to withdraw troops from France? Do they no longer care about their interests there?” From the very beginning, the Anti-French Alliance had been built on the principle of equal benefits and obligations. Spain had not contributed much during the war against France, yet it received generous rewards afterward. One key reason was that its troops remained stationed in France, tasked with suppressing any attempt at a French resurgence. The related treaties had long been signed. The spoils were already in their hands, and if Spain now wanted to go back on its word, it would have to cough up what it had already swallowed. Chancellor Karl replied, “Your Majesty, ever since the Franco-Russian War broke out, the profits from our garrison in France have dropped sharply. Perhaps they will recover someday, but it is clear that the Spanish government has grown impatient. Unless they take immediate action and use special means to intimidate the Moroccans, similar massacres may happen again. Before this, the French colonists had already learned the same lesson with their lives. A defeated nation has no human rights, and driven by hatred, everyone silently chose to look the other way. To the Spanish government, giving up their nominal rule over Morocco is not a big deal. But watching their own expatriates being slaughtered by natives is something they cannot accept.” Spain now had no time to care about its interests in France. Even if it meant cutting its own flesh, it would not hesitate. For the Austrian government, however, this was nothing short of disastrous. To contain France’s resurgence, Spain was an indispensable piece on the chessboard. Losing this crucial partner meant Austria would have to take on the burden alone. Otherwise, with only Sardinia, Switzerland, and Belgium guarding the gates, France would clearly break through sooner or later. Fortunately, the Russians were still doing the dirty work. Judging from the situation, after the beating they had received from the Russian army, France’s recovery would be delayed by at least fifteen years. Especially not long ago, when Nicholas II ordered his frontline troops to capture more French prisoners and send them back to work on the railways. That was a fatal blow to France. After the European war, France was already suffering from a severe shortage of able-bodied men. The Russian army’s actions only made things worse. If not for the concern about international reactions, Franz would have loved to award Nicholas II a “Super Anti-French Medal” in recognition of his achievements. It should be made of at least ten tons of gold, anything less would not do justice to his contribution. After a moment’s thought, Franz waved his hand and said, “Forget it. If the Spaniards want to withdraw, let them. We don’t need them for now anyway. The Russians are doing an excellent job. Later, we can consider increasing our support. Let’s see if we can use the Russians’ blade to cripple France once and for all.” As a peace-loving emperor, Franz had always tried to avoid making mortal enemies with any major power. Even if conflicts did arise, he would find ways to resolve them. One only had to open a history book to see that every enemy Austria had ever faced eventually laid down their hatred under divine guidance. Whether it was through physical persuasion or spiritual enlightenment, the twists and turns of that process no longer mattered. Under this guiding principle, even as hegemon, the Holy Roman Empire had not collected a great heap of hatred. France was an exception. Its special geography and religious situation made it unsuitable for extremely harsh measures. Though the empire could not win the French hearts, the burden of resentment it took on was shared among more than a dozen other countries. After the European War, the Holy Roman Empire had briefly been France’s greatest enemy, but that quickly changed. Compared with the Russians who rode roughshod over others and the swaggering, treacherous Italians, Austria could not compete for the top spot on anyone’s list. That was a good start. The first step toward forgetting old hatreds was to help manufacture a bigger enemy, and by all appearances the Russians had already more than fulfilled that role. A blade that sharp was too useful to leave unused. If it succeeded, the payoff would be enormous. If it failed, it would simply remain a war between Russia and France, and what business would it be of the Holy Roman Empire? Of course, deep in Franz’s heart there was still a measure of wariness toward the Russians. It could not be helped. The Russian Bear of the nineteenth century was almost like a cheat code. Franz was not worried that the Russians were unbeatable in combat. In fact, their fighting quality rarely rose above second rate. What truly made him uneasy was how prolific the Russians were. They reproduced like a string of gourds on a vine. Over the past decade the Russian Empire’s birth rate had averaged above five children per woman. Even after Franz introduced pro-natalist policies, the Holy Roman Empire still lagged behind. Looking only at raw birth numbers the difference was not obvious, but the proportional gap was alarming. Russia’s birth rate exceeded Austria’s by nearly a quarter. Luckily for Franz, Russia’s medical conditions remained backward and infant survival rates were relatively low. Otherwise the title of Europe’s most populous nation might already have changed hands. From the 1870s onward the two countries’ populations were nearly equal. It was only after the founding of the Holy Roman Empire that Austria truly pulled ahead. At first glance the growth rates seemed comparable, but that hid a crucial detail. Russia had gone through several wars that consumed a great number of people. Had those losses not occurred, the Russian Empire, much like in the original timeline, would soon have become Europe’s most populous power. Having many people is not the only factor, but having no people is a catastrophe. France provided the clearest example. If the core French population had not stagnated, they would not have been so utterly crushed in the European War. Even with these worries, Franz had few good options against Russia. Tying Russia to Austria also meant dragging the Holy Roman Empire into that bond. Interests made the strongest ties. No matter what, Franz could not afford a strategy that amounted to “kill a thousand enemies and lose eight hundred of our own.” As at the start, there was only one realistic way to limit Russian growth: keep the Russian government locked into continuous warfare. One victory after another would build Russia’s renown, but it would also steadily eat away at the old empire’s foundations. With so many reasons stacked together, it became hard to argue against letting Russia and France bleed each other dry.
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