No matter what, a successful plan was still something to celebrate. The first step was always the hardest, but once it was taken, the rest of the journey would be easier. Just as Grover Cleveland was preparing to launch the next stage of his plan, a pie from the heavens suddenly dropped onto his head, stunning him completely. The British wanted the United States to take the lead in helping Russia build the Trans-Siberian Railway. At first glance, it seemed like nothing more than an ordinary railway project, but the politically seasoned Cleveland immediately recognized both the dangers and opportunities hidden within it. “To divide the Russo-Austrian Alliance, to lure the Russians eastward and ease the military pressure on British India, to take advantage of the Russians,” a flood of possibilities rushed through Cleveland’s mind. He had no way of knowing what the final outcome would be, but one thing was certain: worsening relations among the European powers could only be good for the United States. Of course, what benefited one side could also bring harm. In order to divert trouble southward and provoke hostility between Britain and Russia, the Austrian government had spent an enormous sum helping Russia build its Central Asian Railway. Now that their money was already invested and their plan was about to succeed, a sudden attempt to snatch the project away was bound to infuriate the Holy Roman Empire. Even with an ocean separating them, offending a top-tier great power still posed enormous risks for the United States. Though the British government promised to take full responsibility if anything went wrong, Cleveland had little faith in John Bull’s integrity. Rubbing his forehead, he asked, “What terms did the British offer?” The risk itself wasn’t the problem. Offending the Holy Roman Empire would be unpleasant, but it wouldn’t destroy the Union. What worried him was the thought of taking on risk without gaining anything worthwhile in return. Even without British involvement, the U.S. had its own ways of undermining the Russo-Austrian relationship, but those were covert operations, not something to be made public. “The British government has promised to withdraw from the Four-Power Alliance, stop suppressing us, and offer a ten-million-pound interest-free loan,” Secretary of State Juan Trippe replied expressionlessly. Clearly, he wasn’t impressed by Britain’s so-called generosity. Ever since the end of the European War, the so-called Anglo-French-Austrian-Prussian Four-Power Alliance had already collapsed into pieces. The promise to stop suppression was nothing short of a joke. Britain’s pressure on the U.S. had already become meaningless two decades ago. Now, even more so. Britain’s attention was stretched thin, with both the Holy Roman Empire and the Russian Empire standing in its way. The British government had no time or strength left to suppress the United States. The only thing of real value was that ten-million-pound interest-free loan. But even that wasn’t truly for America’s benefit. The U.S. was merely acting as an intermediary. In the end, all that money would go straight into building the Trans-Siberian Railway. Not only would the Americans earn nothing from it, but they might even end up losing a fortune. In those days, lending money to the Russian government was an extremely high-risk gamble. If the Russians went bankrupt again someday, every penny of investment would go up in smoke. Juan was certain that day was not far off. The Franco-Russian War had already begun, and the Russian government was essentially entering the countdown to bankruptcy. Even if the Russians somehow managed to avoid collapse this time with secret support from European powers, once they launched their southern or eastern expansion strategies, bankruptcy would come sooner or later. History had proven it again and again: every time Russia fought a major war, its finances would eventually collapse. When the Russians went bankrupt, the ten-million-pound interest-free loan from Britain would still have to be repaid by the United States. The British government had failed to win over its Parliament, so the burden of financially aiding Russia had to be shifted to the United States. Britain could only offer some minor compensations elsewhere. Grover Cleveland nodded thoughtfully and said, “Oh, it seems the terms from the British aren’t entirely bad. At least they aren’t offering pure empty promises this time.” The faint sarcasm in his tone betrayed his true thoughts. Clearly, the so-called compensation from Britain had failed to impress him. Sensing his mood, Secretary of State Juan Trippe followed his lead saying, “It’s not bad, all things considered, but we should still push for a better deal. Getting more out of the British might be impossible, but the Russians, on the other hand, could be open to negotiation. If we’re going to invest manpower and resources to help them build the Trans-Siberian Railway, it’s only reasonable that we share in their future profits from the Far East.” Unlike in the original timeline, the divided United States had far fewer industrial resources and a much smaller domestic market. When it came to external expansion, they quickly realized that the world had already been carved up by other powers. Surrounded by great empires that were anything but easy to provoke, the Americans had little choice left. If they had other options, they wouldn’t have clung so tightly to the idea of reclaiming the South. Compared to top powers like Britain or Austria, the Southern Confederation was the far easier target. Now, however, the Trans-Siberian Railway Project presented a new opportunity for the United States. If they couldn’t expand within the Americas, they could at least project their influence overseas. After all, Russian industry was still weak. As investors in the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Americans could easily secure a share of the profits. Grover Cleveland smiled and said, “Excellent suggestion. But before that, we’ll need to deal with the Austrians first. Otherwise, they’ll stir up trouble and make everything far more complicated. The Russians already have their Central Asian Railway, so their enthusiasm for the Siberian line may not be that strong.” The Russian Bear might be powerful, but it could not march both south and east at the same time. At any given moment, the Russian government could only pursue one national strategy. It was clear that within the Russian Empire, the advocates of the southern expansion policy currently held the upper hand. As for the eastern expansion strategy, although it still had its supporters, the poor state of transportation had already discouraged most of them. Juan sneered, “Don’t worry, Mr. President. Nicholas II will help us handle the Russian government. After all, he’s a strong supporter of the Yellow Russia Plan. Besides, judging by the Austrian government’s usual attitude, if the Russian government wants to stir things up, it would already be good enough if Austria doesn’t fan the flames let alone try to stop them. Remember, the Franco-Russian War has just begun, and the Central Asian Railway is still under construction. If they add a Trans-Siberian Railway on top of that, with the Russian Empire’s finances stretched so thin, I’m afraid…” As for Russian-American friendship, it was something that sounded fine in peacetime speeches. When it came to taking advantage of the Russians, Juan felt absolutely no guilt. Moreover, it wasn’t entirely a scheme. As long as the Russian government could restrain its ambitions and understand its priorities, it could simply wait until the end of the Franco-Russian War and the completion of the Central Asian Railway before starting work on the Siberian line. If they advanced steadily without making reckless moves, with the size and strength of the Russian Empire, no one in the world would be able to threaten them. … At the center of the storm, Nicholas II was still unaware that a conspiracy targeting the Russian Empire was already taking shape. At that moment, he was still reveling in the great victory of the Russian army. The Russian troops stationed outside Paris had already crushed the French resistance forces in the region and now held full control over the city. In Europe, there has long been a saying: “He who controls Paris controls France.” From the course of history, the occupation of Paris meant that victory in the war was not far away. The victors were beyond reproach. As long as they won this war, not only could all the previous blunders of the Russian army be written off, but they could also reap new gains in the process. With such a glorious victory at the front, Nicholas II naturally had every reason to be pleased. The fact that he didn’t hold a grand banquet to celebrate already showed remarkable restraint. Pobedonostsev spoke up, “Your Majesty, our war with the French is far from over. Beyond Paris, there are still large numbers of resistance fighters scattered throughout the country. With only our garrison in Paris, it’s nearly impossible to pacify all of France. To bring this war to a swift end, we should request reinforcements from our allies.” Someone daring to pour cold water on the Tsar’s excitement showed that Nicholas II was not as brutal as some textbooks claimed. A true tyrant could never tolerate honest counsel. Of course, not being brutal didn’t mean Nicholas II was a wise ruler. To equate a monarch’s personal virtue with his ability to govern was pure folly. “Request reinforcements from our allies?” “No!” “Teacher, you worry too much. France today is not the France of the Napoleonic era. Their backbone was broken back in the European War. Now they are like a mangy dog that can only wag its tail and beg. We have already reinforced our forces in France. Two hundred thousand Russian troops are enough to crush any resistance. The Russian Empire has lain quiet for many years. Now is the time to make a show of strength, and the French are the best target to do it against!” Whether now is truly the best moment for the empire to display its might is hard to judge, but for Nicholas II this is certainly the moment he most needs to prove himself. It was unknown when the idea began, but ever since, every new Tsar has felt obliged to demonstrate his worth in foreign wars. When assessing whether a Tsar is fit to rule, people care less about domestic governance and far more about whether he can fight. The bloodier and more glorious his victories abroad, the higher he rises in the popular estimation. Take Nicholas I, hailed as the greatest Tsar of the empire. His renown rests on defeating the Anglo-French forces and recovering Constantinople. As for domestic governance, a feudal monarch only needs to suppress uprisings and keep the peace to be considered adequate. A Tsar has an obstinate streak. Once he decides on a course, it is hard to turn him back. Pobedonostsev felt no disappointment at failing to change Nicholas II’s mind. The main reason for urging the Tsar to invite allied help was to end the war quickly and save on military spending, not because anyone truly feared they could not restore order. As Nicholas II himself said, France’s backbone is broken. This is not merely a moral collapse but a real, tangible one. The country has lost huge numbers of its young and able-bodied in the wars. Its military-industrial system has been smashed. The remaining elite troops were even sent overseas to serve as mercenaries for Spain. The French elite, including King Carlos, support the resistance only in secret. There is no alternative. The forces of the Anti-French Alliance are simply too strong. Even at its peak, France could not stand up to them. Now it has no chance. Backing resistance groups and inciting the populace is intended only to win better terms, not to provoke open hostility with the coalition. If events had not suddenly escalated, they would have continued to keep their heads down, slowly rebuilding their strength and waiting for a shift in the international situation. Now that they have leapt out and chosen to fight the Russians openly, there is boldness to admire, but that boldness comes at the cost of thousands upon thousands of French lives. In a sense, the Russian army’s brutal suppression has worked. Although it has stirred more resistance among ordinary French people, it has also terrified the French upper classes. Nonviolent resistance or refusal to cooperate could be tolerated. If those prominent figures actually dared to stand up and fight the Russians, that would be unthinkable. Collective punishment of nine generations might be too much to expect, but punishing entire families is something the Russians will carry out. According to incomplete statistics, in the past three months at least one hundred thousand Frenchmen have fallen to Russian bullets, and over five hundred thousand have been exiled to Siberia. The population of the Paris area under Russian control has been halved. With no leading figures to unite them, France’s many resistance groups are divided and plainly no match for the Russian army. Of course, this is only the present situation. What the future holds, no one can say. Under pressure, the resistance might suddenly unite. After all, foreign invasion can force disparate forces to come together. … Minister of Finance Sergei Witte proposed, “Your Majesty, we have captured large numbers of prisoners. Keeping them just locked up wastes food. Why not send them to build the Central Asian Railway? Coincidentally, the laborers we conscripted earlier have completed their tours. They can be replaced.” Whether those conscripted laborers had finished their terms mattered little. What mattered was that Witte had his eyes on this free workforce. Building railways in the nineteenth century was harsh work. Without adequate machinery, it depended almost entirely on manpower. Construction sites saw accidents and casualties every day. Each mile of track was, truthfully, built with human lives. Even if the conscripts were worth little, they were still their people. If lives were to be lost, better the lives of enemies than their own. Nicholas II did not hesitate and said, “Order the Ministry of War to tell the front-line units to work harder and capture as many prisoners as they can. The subsequent construction of the Central Asian Railway will depend on them.” It was clear that when no fundamental principle was at stake, Nicholas II could still play the role of a caring father to the Russian people.
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