When everyone heard this news, which sounded like something out of a fantasy, they were completely stunned. The Americans wanted to build the “Trans-Siberian Railway”? That was as absurd as the sun rising in the west. The idea of the United States wanting to strengthen economic and trade cooperation with Russia was something they could reluctantly accept. After all, the fractured United States was desperately short of markets to sell its goods. As two powers on the fringes of the world with no direct conflicts of interest, Russia and America had maintained fairly good relations in recent years. But the idea of the Americans proposing to build the “Trans-Siberian Railway” was laughable. If the Siberian Railway were really capable of boosting economic and trade relations between the two countries, wouldn’t the Russians themselves already know it? Everyone understood that, when distances were similar, rail transport costs were much higher than maritime transport costs. And the Trans-Siberian Railway, given its vast distance and extreme environment, would be even more expensive to operate. Whether starting from the American East Coast or the West Coast, it was far cheaper to simply load goods onto ships and send them directly to the Russian Empire than to transport them all the way to the Far East by rail. If this project could truly “promote” trade between the two countries, it would not be by boosting commerce between Siberia and the United States. Unlike what it would become in later centuries, Siberia at this time was nothing but a vast expanse of wilderness. Across its 13 million square kilometers, the population barely exceeded seven million people and that was counting the migrants from the Ottoman Empire. Without them, the number would have been half that. Siberia’s real development came much later, after the railway was completed, and it was largely thanks to Stalin’s exile policies, which increased the population there. With so few people scattered across such a massive territory, talking about trade was a joke. The region’s market purchasing power probably did not even reach one-tenth that of St. Petersburg. If the Americans truly saw promise in this “vast and empty” land and wanted to develop it deeply, no sane person would believe such a thing. Nicholas II asked calmly, “What do the Americans want?” There is no such thing as love or hate without reason, especially between nations. Being no fool, Nicholas II did not believe that the Americans were offering help out of pure goodwill. The cost of building the Trans-Siberian Railway was astronomical. In fact, it ranked second in all of human history, right behind the Holy Roman Empire’s great circular railway. Several years earlier, the Russian government had already completed the surveying and mapping for the project. If not for the overwhelming budget and the empire’s lack of funds, construction would have begun long ago. At this point in time, the United States was indeed wealthier than Russia, but not by much. Both nations were buried under mountains of debt. They had not even finished their own domestic railways, yet suddenly they were offering to help build the Trans-Siberian Railway. Nicholas II could not help but suspect there was another motive behind their generous offer. Foreign Minister Mikhailovich explained, “In recent years, the United States has encountered a bottleneck in its development and is in urgent need of opening up larger markets for its goods. However, the world has already been divided up. Even the Americas, once considered the United States’ own backyard, have now fallen under the spheres of influence of Britain and the Holy Roman Empire. There is simply no room left for the Americans to intervene. To change this situation, the Americans have turned their gaze toward the Far East. Yet their strength is limited. They are no match for the British, and even suppressing Japan has proven difficult. Without external support, it is only a matter of time before the Americans are driven out of the Far East altogether. Judging by the current international situation, the only country capable of helping them, and possibly willing to help, is us. Aside from forming an alliance with us, they have no way of countering the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. The Americans’ proposal to help build the Trans-Siberian Railway may appear to be an act of assistance, but in reality, it is a move born out of strategic necessity. Of course, the Americans are not saints. Their appetite is quite large. In addition to wanting to join forces with us in expanding influence in the Far East, they also wish to obtain the exclusive operating rights to the Trans-Siberian Railway, as well as most-favored-nation treatment in international trade.” Since the defeat of Napoleon, the Russians had developed a peculiar sense of confidence, which reached its peak after the conquest of Constantinople. The Prusso-Russian War had briefly awakened the Russian government, but once victory was achieved, that same confidence quickly returned. This sense of “invincible self-belief” was reflected in both politics and diplomacy. Even the southward strategy toward India was built upon this very mindset. After hearing Mikhailovich’s explanation, everyone present, including Nicholas II, was intrigued. Most-favored-nation treatment made little difference anyway. The Russian Empire’s markets were already dominated by Holy Roman industrial goods. Allowing American products could even introduce competition to balance things out. For Nicholas II, who was eager to free his empire from the Holy Roman Empire’s influence, his only concern was whether the Americans were capable enough to compete. Even if the markets were opened, would they actually stand a chance against the Holy Roman Empire’s industries? As for the idea of joining forces in Far Eastern expansion, that hardly counted as a concession. Russia already needed allies to share the burden of its Far Eastern ambitions. As for dominating the Far East and completing the “Yellow Russia Plan,” that was a matter for the future and did not conflict with present cooperation between the two nations. All things considered, the Americans’ requests were reasonable, except for the demand for exclusive railway rights, which was somewhat difficult to accept. Prime Minister Sergei Witte said, “It is certainly a good thing that the Americans are willing to help construct the Trans-Siberian Railway, but now is not the right time. The empire’s strength is not limitless. The French rebellion still needs to be suppressed, and the Central Asia Railway is only halfway completed. We simply do not have the capacity to begin another major project. Based on the current progress, if the later stages proceed smoothly, the Central Asia Railway should be completed and operational by 1899, or by 1900 at the latest. The Foreign Ministry can negotiate with the Americans and postpone the Trans-Siberian Railway project for three years. That way, we can handle everything more steadily and efficiently.” Even if the Americans were willing to help, the Russian government still had to pay for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, and it had to shoulder most of the expenses. The same was true for the Central Asian Railway, which was under construction. Although it appeared that the Austrian government was assisting in its construction, the labor and raw materials were still provided by the Russians. In an age when machinery was scarce, almost all the work was done manually. Labor and raw materials accounted for more than eighty percent of the total construction cost. As for the major difficulty of land acquisition faced by later generations in railway projects, such a problem simply did not exist now. Taxes at every stage were also nonexistent. On the surface, it seemed that the Russian government had not spent much money, but it was still draining national strength. Free labor was not limitless, and once conscription became excessive, major problems would inevitably arise. Foreign Minister Mikhailovich disagreed, “That won’t work. The Trans-Siberian Railway project is being led by American steel giants. The main purpose of this plan is to clear their stockpiles. If we delay construction for another three years, they’ll suffer huge losses. Besides, the U.S. government will change in two years. If the project isn’t finalized soon and a new administration comes to power...” Unlike agricultural overproduction, which could only be scrapped, surplus steel could be stockpiled but only for a limited time, and the longer it was stored, the higher the cost. Capitalists were pragmatic. Once their interests were threatened, no amount of persuasion would work. If the capitalists were hard to deal with, the American government would be even harder. Continuity of policy could not be relied upon. If the current administration was pro-Russian, the next one might easily become anti-Russian. American politics could change faces as quickly as a woman changed clothes. Nicholas II’s indecisive nature revealed itself once again. He could not make up his mind. He wanted to build the Trans-Siberian Railway, yet he also feared that the massive consumption of national resources would be too much to bear. … Under the blazing sun, Franz was spending his summer retreat in the Alps beside a small mountain pool. The scenery carried a tranquil charm, like “a spring silently cherishing its trickle, and trees reflecting on the gentle water.” Ever since his son had come of age and taken over the heavy responsibilities of state, Franz had been freed from the burdens of governance and now enjoyed a life of leisure and travel. When people become idle, they start looking for diversions. If the means of travel of the time weren’t so uncomfortable, Franz might already have embarked on the world tour he once dreamed of in his previous life. To travel the world with beautiful companions, indulging in pleasure and savoring foreign cultures, would truly have been an experience to remember. Unfortunately, he had been too poor to do it before, and now that he had the money, the conditions no longer allowed it. Since he couldn’t travel the world, he decided to tour the Holy Roman Empire instead. He avoided harsh and remote regions, preferring to indulge in the comfort and refinement of its prosperous areas. At his age, Franz no longer worried about losing his sense of purpose. But his personal freedom came at a cost for Frederick. Although Frederick had long been involved in state affairs, assuming full decision-making power was another matter entirely, and he soon began to feel the strain. There was no helping it as every policy now was tied to immense interests, leaving no room for carelessness. As crown prince, Frederick did not yet possess Franz’s unquestioned authority. Before making decisions, he had to mediate among various factions. Fortunately, over the years Franz had managed to discipline the Austrian bureaucracy well. No one dared openly defy the crown prince; otherwise, Frederick’s situation would have been much worse. … Chancellor Karl said, “Your Highness, last night the Russian forces stationed in France sent a telegram to the Joint Command requesting assistance with their logistics.” It seemed like an ordinary report, but Frederick immediately knew that trouble was coming again. For a long time, the Austrian government had controlled the Joint Command. During the Continental War, no one had any objections, but after the war, things were different. No one liked having someone else in charge of them, and the countries of the Anti-French Alliance were no exception. In light of this, the Austrian government, careful not to appear overbearing, did not insist on maintaining control. As a result, the Joint Command soon declined from being the supreme military authority of the coalition to a mere body for communication and coordination. Except when politics required it to make a public appearance, it usually no longer interfered in military command. Despite this change in power, the Joint Command still remained, in name, the highest military authority of the Anti-French Alliance. Now that the Russians had requested help, the Joint Command, at least nominally, could not ignore it. To outsiders, the Russian appeal seemed like an opportunity for the Austrian government to regain influence over the various coalition forces stationed in France. But Frederick would rather not have such an opportunity. Gaining control over the coalition forces in France might appear advantageous, yet in truth it would bring the Holy Roman Empire no real benefit. France was already exhausted and there was nothing left to gain from her. Deep involvement in the French occupation forces would only mean taking the blame and attracting hostility. And it was not as if Austria could use this as a pretext to interfere in the internal military and political affairs of other nations. Even showing the slightest sign of doing so would make the Holy Roman Empire the target of everyone’s suspicion and resentment. The Habsburg dynasty had already suffered from this sort of mistake in the past. In their youth, they had passionately called for unity, only to face opposition from every prince once they came to power. The situation was no different now. The European powers acknowledged the Holy Roman Empire’s dominance not only because of its strength but also because Franz had refrained from overreaching. Since they had finally found a leader who did not cause trouble, naturally everyone preferred to flatter him. But flattery was one thing, and Austria had to know its limits. If arrogance ever took hold, Napoleon’s fate would serve as a reminder. Even if one won battles, taking on all of Europe alone was a political defeat. Against this backdrop, the Russian army’s request for help became a hot potato. If handled poorly, it could cause great trouble for the Austrian government. It was not the first time the Austrian government had faced such a dilemma. The difference was that Franz had always handled it before, while Frederick had only observed. Now that it was his turn, he could not help but feel uneasy. After a brief silence, Frederick asked, “Chancellor, what do you suggest?” Karl replied, “We have two options. One is to allocate part of our supplies to the Russian front, seizing the chance to gain influence over their command. But we must be careful not to overstep. The other is to send a diplomatic note to the Russian government urging them to provide supplies to their front lines. However, doing so would make the Joint Command irrelevant, stripping it of its remaining authority in the future.” Frederick sighed inwardly. The Chancellor’s two options were, in essence, one and the same. Sending a diplomatic note to the Russian government under the name of the Anti-French Alliance was, after all, interference in Russia’s internal affairs, and it would also risk the prestige of the Joint Command. Such thankless tasks were better avoided. Yet providing supplies to the Russian army was hardly a good alternative. It might give Austria nominal control over the Russian forces in France, but it would also strain relations between the two countries. Whatever decision Austria made would inevitably affect Russo-Austrian relations, and a single misstep could even damage the Holy Roman Empire’s international standing. Still, doing nothing was not an option. Since the chancellor had brought it up, it was clear that he had already weighed the consequences carefully. Perhaps there was a better solution, but no one had thought of it yet. After pondering for a moment, Frederick nodded and said, “Efficiency matters most on the battlefield. The Russians are already under pressure, and if they handle the issue themselves, it will take too long. For the sake of the greater good, we’ll take a small loss and provide logistical aid to their front line for now. Once the situation in France stabilizes, the Foreign Ministry can then coordinate matters with the Russian government.” Frederick’s ability to speak falsehoods with a straight face was now approaching that of Franz himself.
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