The auction had ended, but its impact lingered on. Naval trade had never been separated from politics, and this time was no exception. The temporary compromise between Britain and Austria was naturally the main event, but the enthusiastic participation of other countries in the auction was also a political signal, showing their recognition of Austrian hegemony. It is human nature to seek benefits and avoid harm. Now that the dust has settled, making friendly gestures might not necessarily earn special favor from the Austrian government, but failing to do so would certainly attract unwanted attention. Against this backdrop, regardless of whether they truly needed warships, each delegation at least made a bid, creating an undeniably lively atmosphere. Of course, this was largely because of the split-lot auction format. With the lowest starting price set at only 200,000 guilders, most participants could afford to join in. If all of the ships had been sold as a single massive fleet, the excitement would have been much more subdued. After all, no one dared to make reckless bids without money; if one accidentally won, the consequences would be serious. Losing a deposit was minor compared to being regarded as deliberately disrupting the process, which would spell real trouble. The world’s second-largest navy, together with its shipbuilding engineers, ended up being sold for only 130 million guilders. After deducting some 30 million in behind-the-scenes arrangements among the Anti-French Coalition members, the price was shockingly low, almost like cabbages thrown on the ground. Yet Franz was satisfied. Unlike later times when the world would be full of rich magnates, in this era there were very few countries with real purchasing power. Besides the defeated France, only Britain, Austria, and Russia had annual revenues exceeding 100 million guilders. Fewer than ten countries had revenues above 20 million. After subtracting the 60 million paid by the British, Austria had managed to secure nearly 40 million from the others, a result Franz could hardly be unhappy with. “Once the settlement is finished, distribute the proceeds to our allies according to the indemnity ratio. They’re all waiting to turn flour into bread!” Profit-sharing was a must. Austria had never eaten alone. When it came to dividing spoils, the Austrian government had always handled matters generously. This long-standing practice was one of the key reasons Austria enjoyed such a good international reputation. … Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, “Yesterday afternoon I met with the Spanish delegation. Spain hopes that we will honor our earlier promise and support them in the coming war over the Philippines. Considering the need to rebuild the international order, the Foreign Ministry recommends that we uphold the agreement and help Spain cut off Japan’s reach into Southeast Asia.” Verbal promises carried no binding force. Under normal circumstances, if Japan seized the Philippines, Austria would not have minded going along with it. After all, Austria had long coveted the islands, though political considerations kept Austrian hands tied. If Japan were the one to take them, such constraints would disappear. Austria could simply wait until Spain abandoned the archipelago, then find a pretext to beat up Japan and claim the islands for itself. Whether this was fortune or misfortune for Japan was hard to say. They had chosen the worst possible timing, arriving just as Austria was busy reshaping the international order. The Anti-French Coalition had not yet disbanded. If Spain brought the Philippine war to the Vienna Conference, Austria would inevitably side with kin before reason. And Japan had neither on its side. Not only would the Austrian government refuse them support, but the rest of Europe was unlikely to back them either. Perhaps the only power hoping for a Japanese victory was France. But as a defeated nation, France had lost its voice. Once the Vienna Conference made its ruling, Austria, as both rule-maker and beneficiary, would be compelled to support Spain in order to preserve the authority of the system it had built. Watching the prize slip away, Franz spoke irritably, “Tell the Spaniards that we will support them, but we will not intervene directly. They should make full preparations and fight in a way that shows the prestige of Europe to the world. They must not disgrace themselves like the French did in Vietnam.” Spain had clearly counted on Austria’s stance when they came demanding support empty-handed. Had they offered some concrete benefits, Franz’s reminder might have been phrased in a gentler tone. … On April 2, 1892, at the Austrian Royal Opera House, the Vienna Conference officially began.
There were no flowers, no applause, and no so-called opening ceremony. Only a cold, large round table and a few rows of chairs. Without a doubt, not everyone had the qualification to sit at the negotiating table. Apart from the member states of the Anti-French Coalition, those who could appear there were at least regional powers of considerable weight. “This time we have invited you here mainly to serve as witnesses, to deal with the aftermath of the Anti-French War, and to establish a new international order. As for the matter of order, we can discuss it slowly later, but for now we must first handle the post-war arrangements.” Wessenberg emphasized the word “witness” very heavily, making his meaning absolutely clear: the aftermath of the Anti-French War was not something for others to interfere in. It would be handled by the Anti-French Coalition alone, and any issues could be raised later when building the new international order. This blunt declaration undoubtedly left many delegates feeling slighted. After all, they had come to attend an international conference, only to be told that they were not even allowed to express their opinions. It was simply... Before anyone could react, the Belgian delegate, well prepared in advance, launched into a denunciation of French atrocities. A large pile of evidence was laid out on the table. Even the case of the missing and allegedly murdered soldiers that France had used as a pretext for declaring war was now reinterpreted. Once the Belgian delegate finished, the representative of the German Federation followed, and then the various Italian states took turns presenting their accusations. Witness testimony, historical records, photographs, confessions from French officers and soldiers—everything was laid out. In a sense, the Vienna Conference had been delayed this long precisely to allow time for such evidence to be gathered. As piece after piece of shocking evidence was presented, the scene grew so moving that many of the representatives attending the conference shed trembling tears. Of course, no one could tell whether their emotions were genuine or feigned, for several cameras were positioned throughout the hall, recording this historic moment. Listening to the accusations, President Robert, representing France, lowered his head as far as he could, trying to reduce his presence to the smallest possible degree. There was no other choice. The more tragic the charges of the Anti-French Coalition sounded, the more evidence they produced, the more unfavorable it became for France, and the greater the price France would be forced to pay in the days ahead. Refute them? Leaving aside whether he would even be given the chance to speak, even if he were, he would not know where to begin. As a revolutionary, Robert’s knowledge of the war was limited to the records left behind by the previous government and the reports from domestic newspapers. Accounts written by their own people were inevitably polished and embellished, with many crucial details brushed over in passing. As for learning the full truth, the actual participants were no longer to be found. Robert had always believed this was nothing more than an ordinary struggle for continental hegemony. Wars of this kind had appeared many times throughout history. From the scope of the conflict, the French army’s actions had been confined to Central Europe and Italy, far from the scale of Napoleon’s era when the march reached all the way to Moscow. In President Robert’s eyes, the consequences now, no matter how severe, amounted only to a punishment somewhat harsher than the last one. After a few years, everything would blow over. Alas, reality was cruel. From the list of damages laid out by the countries of the Anti-French Coalition, Robert already knew that France was in grave trouble this time. When the coalition defined the nature of the war as “aggression” and “resistance against aggression,” Robert could no longer restrain himself. He knew very well that if he did not speak up now, it would only be harder to explain later. “Protest!” “France is also a victim of this war. The one who initiated it was Napoleon IV. The mistakes of one man cannot be allowed to fall upon the shoulders of all the French people. We demand that this assembly issue a warrant for the arrest of the war criminal Napoleon IV, to give justice to the millions who perished in this war…” Before Robert could finish, Wessenberg, presiding over the conference, shouted sternly, “Silence!” “Mr. Robert, when confronted with responsibility, you would rather shift the blame onto the emperor you once swore loyalty to. Do you feel no shame? Ah, I forgot, your country has already gone through a revolution. Rebels have no sense of shame to begin with. But such disgraceful acts, though you may stoop to them, we will not. To place a bounty on an emperor, even a dethroned and exiled one, is something the international community can never permit.” “Shameless villain!” “Without respect for your sovereign!” … A chorus of curses erupted in the conference room. Clearly, Robert had chosen the wrong target to shift the blame onto. Most of the delegates present came from monarchies, and blaming an emperor was obviously a major taboo. Especially with cameras recording, for the sake of political correctness, the delegates had to stand up and make their positions clear. Even the few republican representatives Robert had counted on joined in the shouting, scolding him harshly. Support? What a joke. To side with France against so many monarchies was the same as asking for death. Before the slow-witted Robert could come up with a countermeasure, a cup was already hurled his way, narrowly missing him. Soon after, documents and pens came flying as well. The room was in chaos. Once someone took the lead in resorting to violence, others quickly followed, and the situation spiraled out of control. Clearly, there was no shortage of shrewd individuals. With the cameras recording, how could anyone miss such a golden opportunity? Frankly speaking, if he were not the presiding chairperson, Wessenberg would not have minded joining in either. After all, chances to demonstrate loyalty were rare, and when such an opportunity came knocking, how could one possibly let it slip? Still, Robert was the President of France. If something happened to him in Vienna, it would put Austria in an awkward position. “Guards, restore order quickly!” By the time everyone was pulled apart, the hapless Mr. Robert already had a swollen, bruised face and a bleeding head. Fortunately, the wound was not deep, and with Austria’s decent medical care, he was rescued in time. Otherwise, the Vienna Conference would have turned into a laughingstock. … At the Vienna Palace, upon receiving the news, Franz at first suspected that the French had deliberately sent a fanatic to stir up trouble in order to lessen the punishment for the war. The suspicion was not without basis, for according to the footage recorded, the first glass of water had come flying from the British delegation. In an instant, Franz imagined a scene of collusion between Britain and France, sacrificing a fanatic in exchange for preserving France’s strength. As it turned out, he had completely overthought the matter. With the coalition forces watching closely, the French had no means of manipulating such affairs. The intelligence gathered revealed that President Robert was in fact a leading figure of the revolutionary party, having led several workers’ uprisings and played an important role in the Paris Revolution. Aside from lacking political acumen, this passionate and courageous revolutionary had few faults in either his personal life or work. On reflection, it was no surprise. The Paris revolutionary government had long delayed in choosing a president because no one wanted to take hold of such a burning-hot potato. Robert, excluded from the center of power ever since the revolution’s victory, was chosen precisely to bear the blame. As for the nation’s interests, that was far too much to hope for. With the Anti-French Coalition so overwhelmingly powerful, France simply had no bargaining position. Whether they sent the finest diplomat in the world or a pig, the outcome would not be essentially different. Had Robert possessed even a little political sense, he would never have accepted such a task at the very moment others were withdrawing, a task that was certain to ruin his name and reputation.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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