Austria was taking action, and the British were not idle either. To win over the Russians, British Foreign Secretary George personally visited Saint Petersburg. The most notable hallmark of the industrial era was speed. In the Middle Ages, traveling from London to Saint Petersburg usually took over half a month. Now, it requires only four or five days. The rapid advancements in maritime technology had connected the human world more closely than ever before. Everything has two sides. While tighter connections brought people together, they also increased the likelihood of international disputes. As George stepped off the gangway and looked at the sparse welcoming crowd ahead, his anger began to rise. This was too perfunctory. As the Foreign Secretary of Britain, he was regarded as a most honored guest wherever he went. Yet the Russians had shown him so little respect. Not a single member of the royal family had come, and even the upper ranks of the Russian government were entirely absent. Only a few low-ranking officials had been dispatched. The imbalance in status was glaring and, to George, deeply insulting. Of course, that was the British perspective. From the Russian point of view, this reception was already more than generous. The Anglo-Russian War had just ended, and hatred between the two countries was still at its peak. If the government openly welcomed the British at this time, what would the Russian public think? Politicians are always clever and know how to act in their own best interest. Tasks that brought no benefit, such as welcoming the British, were pushed down the chain of command as far as possible, until no one else could be made responsible. Since the high-ranking officials stayed away, there was no reason for the general public to turn up either. The Russians were not called a nation of warriors for nothing. If a few hot-blooded youths had slipped into the crowd and tried to challenge the British to a duel, that would have been truly embarrassing. Such incidents had happened before. A quick glance at history shows that over a dozen Russian diplomats had died in duels, including the famous poet Pushkin. Angry as he was, George still had a mission to accomplish. The current international situation was highly unfavorable to Britain. If things were mishandled, the world hegemon might soon be replaced. Since the reception was beneath his station, George had no intention of wasting time with the welcoming officials. After disembarking, he headed straight for the embassy, refusing even to attend the welcome banquet. … “What’s going on? Why are the Russians acting so indifferent?” George asked sternly. Since this was an official visit, the foreign ministries of both countries had certainly communicated beforehand. Under normal circumstances, even if relations were strained, basic protocol would still be observed. Ambassador Richard Truly explained, “The situation is extremely bad. Just a month ago, the Austrians suddenly made a move and stirred up an anti-French wave in Saint Petersburg. Anti-French sentiment had always been strong among the Russian public, and the pro-Austrian faction dominated the Russian government. With efforts from both above and below, a nationwide anti-French movement quickly erupted. By the time we realized what was happening and tried to take action, it was already too late. Public opinion, combined with the agitation of the pro-Austrian faction, has likely shifted the political stance of the Russian government.”
This wasn’t his fault. Because of the Anglo-Russian War, Britain had previously withdrawn its embassy staff from Russia. Richard Truly had only just taken up his post as ambassador about a month ago. Given such limited time, it was already an achievement to have stabilized daily affairs. Expecting him to foil Austria’s campaign would be asking too much. George waved his hand, speaking with understanding and said, “Forget it. This wasn’t your responsibility. Even the French, who are directly involved, didn’t notice anything. How could we have?” As Britain’s Foreign Secretary, George was quite familiar with the internal political factions of the Russian government. Currently, and indeed for several decades, the pro-Austrian faction had held the reins of power. This was driven by mutual interests. As trade between Russia and Austria deepened, more and more people became tied into this chain of benefits. Not only did the Russian government have many pro-Austrian officials, but the Austrian government also had a sizable number of pro-Russian ones. This wasn’t something that individual will could easily alter. Of course, political inclination does not necessarily equal political loyalty. At their core, everyone still prioritized their own country’s interests. In general, such leanings only influenced decisions when their own nation’s interests weren’t at stake. Even so, Britain had no way to undermine Austria’s propaganda campaign. After all, the Anglo-Russian War had just ended, and the pro-British faction within the Russian government did not dare to show its face. Without local collaborators, Britain could not act alone. If the British ambassador really came forward to speak on behalf of the French, even the original anti-war faction might turn into warmongers. However, George did not take the shift in the Russian government’s stance too seriously. Between nations, the only thing that lasts is mutual interest. In George’s view, preventing Austria from dominating the European continent was a common interest shared by both Britain and Russia. The indifference shown by the Russian government was simply a tactic to raise their bargaining power. If they truly had no interest in mediating, the Russian government would have rejected his visit outright. There would have been no need to play these petty games behind the scenes. “Is the situation on the European front that bad?” Ambassador Richard Truly asked. Information in Saint Petersburg was still relatively limited. Even when news did arrive, it was often distorted along the way and had long lost its original accuracy. George confirmed, “The situation in French-controlled Italy is unstable. Many guerrilla groups have emerged across the peninsula, and the French southern European defense line is on the verge of collapse. On the Central European front, the French army appears to still be on the offensive, but in truth it is physically and mentally exhausted. Their forces have suffered significant losses. Judging by the current battlefield conditions, France can at most hold out for another year before being worn down by Austria. War is ever-changing, and no one can predict what tomorrow may bring. Arrange a meeting with the Russian leadership as soon as possible. The formation of an intervention alliance cannot be delayed any longer.” It was not that George was impatient. The problem was that they truly had very little time left. An intervention alliance could not be built in just a day or two. Even after the alliance was formed, it would take time to coordinate all parties involved. That could not be done quickly. If the internal dynamics had not been worked out by the time the war in Europe concluded, then Britain would find itself in a very awkward position. … Almost at the same time George arrived in Saint Petersburg, the negotiations between Russia and Austria also came to an end. Once again, reality proved that there is nothing money cannot solve. If something cannot be solved with money, then it simply means there was not enough of it. When it came to hard cash, the Austrian government was naturally reluctant to pay. However, when it came to spending other people’s money, Franz felt no pressure at all. Once the Austrian government promised that “if the Russian government joins the war, it will receive no less than twenty percent of the total war indemnities,” the Russian government could no longer resist. As the third greatest power in the world, France had an exceptionally deep reserve of wealth. The reparations it would owe after the war were expected to amount to at least several billion guilders. Even using the minimum figure of twenty percent, that still meant several hundred million, perhaps even over a billion guilders, an amount equivalent to several years of revenue for the Russian Empire. Just declaring war, without even assigning any combat responsibilities, was enough to secure such a lucrative return. It completely exceeded the Russian government’s expectations. From their perspective, this was a rare instance where the Austrians had clearly lost their minds. If they did not sign the treaty quickly, the Austrians might come to their senses and withdraw the offer. … Once everything was settled, the Russian Foreign Minister Nikolay de Giers, now in high spirits, finally remembered that the British Foreign Secretary was still visiting. Not only had they failed to welcome him warmly, but they had also left him hanging for several days which was a clear diplomatic slight. Still, to Nikolay de Giers, this was no big deal. Anglo-Russian relations had always been like this. Only a few months earlier, their two countries had been at war. A bit of offense was to be expected. Improve diplomatic relations with Britain? Sorry, the Russian government had not yet abandoned its ambitions for India. Even though the leadership understood that the British were not to be underestimated, they still could not dampen the public’s enthusiasm. Everything is relative. Compared to the Russo-Prussian War, the Anglo-Russian War had been far easier. Many believed that, had logistics not held them back, the Tsar could have held a military parade in India. Even though they had not achieved their ultimate objective this time, they had seized control of Central Asia including three-quarters of the so-called “Heartland of Eurasia.” No sooner had the war ended than officials within the Russian government proposed constructing a railway from Moscow to Afghanistan, to prepare for the next campaign. If it were not for the empty state of the national treasury, the plan would already be underway. In this context, any attempt to restore Anglo-Russian relations was doomed to fail. … British Foreign Secretary George asked, “Your Excellency the Marquis, regarding the matter mentioned in the last telegram, has your country given it any thought?” “Given it thought?” Nikolay de Giers was momentarily stunned. Frankly speaking, had George not just brought it up, he would have almost forgotten about Britain’s proposal to form an intervention alliance. The reason was very simple: anything supported by the enemy, we oppose. The Anglo-Russian War had only just ended, and now the British were extending a hand. Naturally, the Russian government was not inclined to believe they had good intentions. In Nikolay de Giers’s view, the British proposal was nothing more than an attempt to sow discord within the Russo-Austrian alliance. And so, this supposedly important telegram in the eyes of the British was simply handled by the Russian Foreign Ministry as routine correspondence. In fact, even George’s current visit had been deliberately orchestrated by Nikolay de Giers, merely as a way to bargain with Austria. Now that the goal had been achieved, the actor was no longer needed. “My apologies, Sir George. After careful consideration, we believe that the situation in Europe is developing in the right direction. There is no need to form any kind of intervention alliance.” Hearing this response, George nearly dropped the coffee cup in his hand. It was far too unexpected as the Russians actually were not worried about Austria growing too powerful. Naturally, George’s shocked expression did not escape Nikolay de Giers’s notice. The Russian Empire, in truth, had no desire to see Austria become too dominant. But there was no helping it. Their position now determined their stance. Since the Russian Empire had already joined the anti-French alliance, and the overall situation was shifting in the alliance’s favor, then that had to be the “right” direction. After composing himself, George asked, “You’re not joking, are you? At the current rate of development, once the anti-French alliance wins the war, Austria will become the sole dominant power. The emergence of a transcontinental behemoth spanning Europe, Asia, and Africa does not only threaten world peace, it also poses a direct threat to your own country’s interests.” Nikolay de Giers shook his head and smiled faintly as he said, “You worry too much, Sir George. Russia and Austria are allies. There’s no need to speak such divisive words. Everyone understands the nature of the continental war. Had it not been for France’s invasion of Central Europe, there would have been no war to begin with. The anti-French alliance fought long and hard to gain the upper hand. To step in now and intervene would be nothing short of condoning France’s aggression. If an aggressor faces no punishment, what is to stop the rest of Europe from following suit? What peace would be left then?” It was mockery, open and undisguised. Now that he finally stood on the moral high ground, Nikolay de Giers naturally would not miss this chance to ridicule the British. Everyone knew that “threatening world peace” was a laughable accusation. Since the 18th century, over half of the world’s wars have borne Britain’s fingerprints. Nikolay de Giers clearly understood the potential danger of Austria growing too powerful. But understanding it was one thing. Being able to act on it was another. By joining the anti-French alliance, the Russian Empire could enjoy the fruits of victory without lifting a finger. It would reap massive rewards without taking on any real risk. If, on the other hand, they joined a British-led intervention alliance, they would earn nothing but resentment. Even if Britain and France were willing to offer compensation, it would never be as generous as what Austria had already promised. Surely no one could expect the Russian Empire to abandon guaranteed profits just to serve Britain’s grand strategy. Acts of self-sacrifice and altruism at one’s own expense were not qualities the Russian government possessed. Having already endured a cold reception upon arrival, George now found himself openly ridiculed. Even with all his diplomacy and restraint, he could no longer suppress his irritation. “One day, you will regret what you’ve done today. A bunch of shortsighted fools. Just wait, the Austrians will show you exactly what—” Before he could finish, George turned and walked away without looking back. There was no chance of keeping him. Nikolay de Giers was never known for having a gentle temperament, and George’s parting words were clearly an attempt to sow discord between Russia and Austria. It might have seemed harmless, but if those words reached the ears of someone with an agenda, no one could predict how much trouble they might stir up. The fact that he didn’t punch someone was already a sign of restraint. As for yielding in words, that was out of the question. “You needn’t worry about us, Sir. Better focus on your own country. The Russo-Austrian alliance has lasted for decades and can withstand storms. Your few words won’t be enough to shake it. It’s your country that’s been jumping around on all sides. When the war is over, there will be a reckoning. You should start thinking about how Britain plans to maintain its place in Europe.” Nikolay de Giers’s voice was loud enough for many to hear, and it nearly sent George into a rage before he could get out of earshot. Yet what he said was true. Given the role Britain had played in the war so far, good relations between Britain and Austria were already out of reach. Nikolay de Giers hadn’t become Russia’s foreign minister by being reckless. This open clash with the British was done for Austria’s benefit. The Russian government had already decided to declare war without actually engaging in combat. Under those circumstances, they needed to do something to prove their usefulness. After all, if they simply reaped the rewards without making any real effort, what right would they have to claim a share of the spoils? A signed treaty alone would hardly be enough. There are no free lunches in this world. Now that Russia had publicly clashed with Britain, the Russian government could claim it had foiled Britain’s attempt to hijack the outcome of the war, contributing heroically to the anti-French cause. As for highlighting the tensions between Austria and Britain, that was merely a bonus. Russia and Austria were allies, and Russia could not be the one to keep Austria in check. That job would have to fall to the British. From the perspective of the Russian Empire, if Britain could be dragged into the quagmire of the continental war, that would be the ideal outcome.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH) Support the translation and read more chapters at https://ko-fi.com/dragonlegion
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