As it turned out, life was more important than money. The wealthier a person was, the more they cherished their life. After weighing the pros and cons, everyone decided it was best to pay the protection fee. To establish a foothold in an unfriendly foreign land, whether by starting from scratch or inheriting from one’s ancestors, was no simple feat. By borrowing the prestige of Austria, they could not only weather the immediate threat, but more importantly, avoid taking sides in this war. Compared to Japanese looting, political alignment was the truly fatal risk. After all, living in Southeast Asia where anti-Chinese movements broke out frequently, being looted was nothing new and everyone had experience dealing with it. Even if looted by the Japanese, the loss would only be the visible part of their assets. Political misalignment, on the other hand, could mean death and the annihilation of one’s entire clan. Without the support of a powerful nation, overseas Chinese were no more than weeds. Honorino wanted to use this situation to gain money and career advancement, but those present were also eager to find a strong backer. With the precedent of the Lanfang Company, Austria had a stellar reputation among the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. They paid for services, promised not to interfere in internal affairs, and actually kept their word. There was no second great power with such integrity. The deal was made, and a diplomatic note representing the Austrian government landed on General Yamagata Aritomo’s desk. Were it not for repeated warnings from Tokyo not to provoke the great powers and the presence of the navy keeping an eye on him, Yamagata would have ignored the informal note altogether. To have tens of thousands of new “imperial citizens” suddenly appear overnight was an obvious farce. But there was no way around it. The Japanese government could not afford to give the great powers any excuse to interfere. The Japanese government had clearly underestimated the political consequences of invading the Philippines. This was still the white man’s world, and Spain, lacking Russia’s reputation for hostility, naturally received more sympathy from international opinion. Even Britain and France, who had originally invited the Japanese to intervene in Southeast Asia, had now changed their tone. They refused to recognize Japan as even a quasi-ally and completely voided all previous agreements. “Tell the Austrians to provide the relevant evidence. As far as I know, there are only a few hundred Austrian expatriates in the Philippine archipelago. Those living in Chinatown are all citizens of the Qing dynasty. The difference in skin color is so obvious, how could anyone mistake it?” It wasn’t that Yamagata Aritomo lacked tolerance, nor was he tempted by the loot from the raids. The key issue was that the original plan had been disrupted. According to the initial plan, after capturing Luzon Island, the Japanese would use a combination of coercion and inducement to win over the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia and lay the groundwork for ruling the Philippines. “Commander, it’s useless. Inside sources report that just last night, the Chinese leader in the Philippines, Chen Taoyue, reached an agreement with the Austrian foreign affairs officer Honorino. In exchange for 350,000 guilders, they secured Austrian protection. The two sides have already signed the treaty. I’ve dealt with Honorino before. That guy is a leech. He stirs up trouble even without justification and is incredibly difficult to deal with. Getting him to give up a deal he already pocketed is out of the question.” The one speaking was Yamamoto Kazuo, the intelligence officer dispatched to the Philippines by the Japanese government. The inside-outside coordination in the Luzon campaign had been orchestrated by him personally. Yamagata Aritomo frowned, his eyes filled with murderous intent. If it were possible, he wouldn’t hesitate to send someone to silence them. Unfortunately, that was just wishful thinking. Too many people were aware of the situation, and the risk of silencing witnesses was far too great. Moreover, this wasn’t an era that cared about actual evidence. For the great powers, suspicion alone was enough, no one cared about proof. As a high-ranking member of the Japanese government, Yamagata Aritomo was keenly aware of international developments. Judging by the current situation, the Anti-French Alliance had a very strong chance of victory. Even in the worst-case scenario, they would at least force a mutually devastating outcome. Regardless of how the war ended, the Anti-French Alliance would remain a major force in European affairs. In that context, offending the leader of the alliance would undoubtedly be unwise. After pausing for a moment, Yamagata Aritomo said helplessly, “Forget it. They’re on the island anyway, and they can’t run. Order the troops not to enter Chinatown for now. Yamamoto-kun, your next task is especially important. You must quickly win over the local powerholders and form a colonial government to deal with the coming Spanish counterattack.” Having only recently regained national sovereignty, the Japanese of this era still lacked assertiveness, especially when facing the European powers. They simply had no confidence. … In Saint Petersburg, Alexander III was deeply conflicted. He wasn’t sure when it had started, but calls for war had once again begun to rise within the country. There was no doubt that the Anglo-Russian war had just ended and Central Asia was still a mess, so it certainly wasn’t about fighting the British again. Austria was a traditional ally, and even the most hawkish factions wouldn’t be foolish enough to target their own allies. Aside from those two great powers, the only nation that could still match Russia’s strength was France. And this time, the hawks had their sights set on the French. The reasoning was simple: disrupt France, shatter the Anglo-French alliance, and sever one of Britain’s arms to pave the way for a future conquest of India. It was a bit of a stretch, but it just barely made sense. According to the war hawks’ logic, if France fell, Britain would be left to face the Austro-Russian alliance alone and two against one would be a guaranteed win. That sounded good in theory, but only if Britain and Austria stuck to the plan. If France was defeated and Britain and Austria then pulled back, the whole thing would turn into an embarrassment. Austria’s reputation for keeping its word was generally solid, but the stakes were far too high this time. Alexander III harbored serious doubts about whether the Austrian government would truly hold up its end of the bargain. Doubt alone wasn’t the problem. In recent years, the Russian Empire had emerged victorious in both the Russo-Prussian War and the Central Asian campaigns. Morale at home was already back in full swing. Aside from the government coffers not being particularly full, that once-feared Russian Empire had returned. Strength brings confidence. Even though the Central Asian campaign had stalled at the borders of Afghanistan, the ambition to seize India had already been born. The government’s upper echelons could see the looming danger, but that didn’t mean the general populace could as well. Otherwise, a single spark wouldn’t have stirred up such a firestorm. “The calls for war are growing louder at home. Do you believe now is the right time to declare war on the French?” Alexander III asked. While the public clamored for action, the Russian government remained remarkably calm. Everyone knew that Austria was behind the rising tide of pro-war sentiment, but popular opinion could not be faked. If the people had no underlying inclination, Austria’s efforts alone would not have stirred up such a storm. That judgment was originally not wrong, but if someone had been guiding public opinion and brainwashing the population over the long term, then it might not hold true. Of course, the Russian government was not entirely to blame. For a long time, relations between Russia and the Anglo-French powers had been poor. Domestic media had always highlighted the historical wrongs of Britain and France, which was considered politically correct. And since it was politically correct, slipping in some personal bias was nothing unusual. After all, newspapers and magazines also needed to attract readers. One or two biased reports were harmless, but over ten or twenty years, quantity turned into quality. Coupled with the recently concluded Anglo-Russian war, public hatred toward Britain and France had only intensified. Journalists had to make a living too. Since the public despised Britain and France, they naturally catered to their readers. Against this backdrop, with Austria pouring money into the fire, the public sentiment soon exploded. Calls to declare war on France surged dramatically. In countries that were ruled by public opinion, popular sentiment could influence or even dictate government policy. But in conservative imperial Russia, decisions still rested with the Russian government. Minister of War Ivanov spoke, “Your Majesty, judging from the current state of the European front, the anti-French coalition has already turned the tide. The chances of victory are very high. If we join now, the defeat of France is only a matter of time. Even if the British intervene directly, they will be unable to reverse the situation.” He was not wrong. Militarily, declaring war on France now would surely lead to victory. Even if France suddenly gained a miracle and drew in all the neutral countries, it still would not be enough to turn the tables. Although he did not explicitly advocate for war, Ivanov’s expression made it clear to everyone that the military was eager for it. It made sense. A war to beat down an already weakened opponent was the perfect opportunity to gain glory. Naturally, the military had no reason to oppose it. Foreign Minister Nikolay de Giers analyzed, “The Marshal is correct. Joining the anti-French coalition now carries virtually no military risk. However, we must consider the political consequences. Our participation would allow the anti-French alliance to win the war easily, and the postwar European landscape would be fundamentally reshaped. According to intelligence gathered by our embassy in the German Federation, Austria has already reached agreements with several states to restore the Holy Roman Empire after the war. Legally speaking, this counts as Austria’s internal affairs. As their ally, we have no grounds to oppose it directly. If we do nothing, a massive superpower spanning Europe, Asia, and Africa will soon emerge, rivaling even the Roman Empire of old. There is no doubt that with such a superpower, the struggle for continental dominance will come to an end. For a long time afterward, the rest of us on the European continent will be relegated to supporting roles.” Continental hegemony had been the Russian Empire’s goal for centuries, but every attempt so far had ended in failure. If possible, no one wanted to give up now. Finance Minister Alisher Gurov added, “Austria growing too powerful certainly does not align with our interests. But it is already too late to contain them. Ever since Egypt fell, France was doomed to fail. Whether we join or not, the end result will not change. Given that, why shouldn’t we prioritize the interests of our empire? Declaring war on France does not mean we have to send troops right away. We can delay under various pretexts, letting Austria exhaust itself first, and then enter the war at the final stage to claim our share of the victory. We don’t know how much we will gain in the end, but what we do know is that we won’t have to repay the debt we owe France. Just that alone, canceling over a billion francs in debt, makes declaring war worth it.” No matter what the international situation or balance of power might be, nothing compares to tangible, immediate gains. The Russian government was genuinely broke at this point. Any money saved was money earned. And if a mere declaration of war could wipe out over a billion francs in debt, Alexander III found it hard to come up with a reason to say no.
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH) Support the translation and read more chapters at https://ko-fi.com/dragonlegion
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