Holy Roman Empire Chapter 834 - Three Players Are Ready But A Fourth One Is Still Needed (Bonus Chapter)

            



        Anyone can set targets, so when the Austrian navy set its goal at reaching 80% of the Royal Navy’s tonnage, the French navy naturally was not going to back down.         As the world’s second-largest naval power, they had to surpass Austria at the very least, for example by reaching 90% of the Royal Navy’s tonnage.         Everyone was being respectful on the surface, with no apparent intention of challenging Britain’s naval supremacy. Their shipbuilding plans only aimed to approach the Royal Navy’s strength, not to exceed it.         Of course, that was just how Austria and France saw it. In the eyes of the British government, it was a different matter.         Whether it was 80% or 90% of the tonnage, both figures posed a threat to the Royal Navy’s hegemonic position.         All of them were global empires, and their navies could not be concentrated in one place at all times. If someone disregarded the rules and launched a surprise attack, the outcome would be hard to predict.         Even if the Royal Navy won, it would suffer heavy losses. After eliminating one challenger, it would have no strength left to deal with the other.         In such a mutually destructive war, the two continental powers with strong armies, Austria and France, could afford to take losses. Even if they failed, they would have a chance to recover and make a comeback.         Britain, however, could not. If the Royal Navy took severe losses, its longtime enemies would pounce and carve up its global empire, leaving no chance for it to rise again.         With a real and immediate threat looming, the British government, which had initiated the arms race, naturally was not going to back down now.         Inside the Downing Street government building, after comparing the shipbuilding plans of Austria and France, Prime Minister Gladstone smiled and said, “It seems our opponents are quite ambitious. Austria plans to build five battleships, and their total naval tonnage, including other warships, comes close to 80% of our shipbuilding program.         The French are building six battleships, with their total naval tonnage nearly reaching 90% of ours. One is following an ‘80% threat theory,’ and the other a ‘90% counterbalance theory.’ Do they really think that navies are only about building ships?”         In naval affairs, Britain had every reason to look down on any competitor. Although the Austrian and French navies had been developing for many years, their core nature remained that of a land power.         This deeply ingrained cultural influence could not be changed overnight. As long as their core focus remained unchanged, it would be difficult for them to truly compete with the British navy.         This reality was reflected primarily in funding. Other deficiencies could be compensated for in various ways, but insufficient military budgets could not be helped.         In recent years, France’s naval budget had remained roughly 55% of that of the Royal Navy, while Austria’s naval budget was around 50% of Britain’s.         It was not that these two governments had no money, nor that they were unwilling to invest more. The problem was that they both had to maintain large armies in their country.         Take Austria, for example: in recent years, the spending on both the army and the navy had been nearly equal. As the favored “firstborn,” the army’s budget exceeded that of the navy by only a symbolic 1 to 2% each year.         Of course, the fact that the Austrian navy could maintain 65% of the Royal Navy’s tonnage with only half of Britain’s naval budget did not mean that their training was compromised.         Aside from slightly lower personnel and salary expenses, the main reason was that Austria did not have as many overseas colonies as Britain, nor were they spread as widely. The number of overseas assignments was relatively small, with most warships remaining concentrated in their home ports.         Foreign Secretary George said, “Who knows? But right now, public morale and enthusiasm in both France and Austria are very high, and their desire to build ships is strong.         According to reports from our embassy in Paris, various civilian organizations such as the French Naval Association and the French Naval Club are calling on the public to donate funds to finance shipbuilding.         In just three days, they have raised 18 million francs, enough to cover the construction cost of one battleship.         Austria has not yet accepted civilian donations, but many organizations like the German National Unification Committee and the German Revival Association are already conducting publicity campaigns.         If the arms race continues, they will likely launch fundraising efforts across the entire German region.         Under the influence of public opinion, the arms purchase agreement we previously reached with the North German government has been rejected by the federal parliament.         The Hanover government hopes that we can provide them with shipbuilding technology to help them complete the orders in their own shipyards; otherwise, the business will ultimately go to Austria.”         This was not the first time that the federal parliament had rejected an arms purchase deal with Britain. In fact, since the official establishment of North Germany, not a single deal had been approved.         The main reason for these frequent rejections was nationalism. Most of the public believed that Britain was the main culprit behind the division of the German region, and they opposed any form of military cooperation with the British.         Facing overwhelming public opinion, the weak North German central government naturally could not withstand the pressure. The federal parliament was merely a tool pushed to the forefront.         Hearing this explanation, Prime Minister Gladstone’s good mood instantly vanished. He cursed, “Damn nationalism again. It is absolutely the greatest ideological poison in the world.         I would bet that if one day the European situation spirals out of control, it will undoubtedly be because of nationalism.         Ignore them. Handing over shipbuilding technology to them is no different from giving it directly to the Austrians.         Tell the North German government that we can forgo these ship orders, but under no circumstances can they fall into Austrian hands. Otherwise, they will bear the consequences.”         There was no way around it. The German region had always been the cradle of nationalist ideology in Europe, and it could not be controlled just because someone wanted it controlled.         The feudal states had been at war with each other for hundreds of years, and everyone was already exhausted. In the original timeline, Prussia was able to easily annex many North German states precisely because of the spread of nationalism and the public’s desire for peace.         The situation now was similar. In fact, because the great powers had once intervened to prevent German unification, the public felt humiliated, and nationalism was even more intense than it was historically.         With Austria fanning the flames, anti-British sentiment had become the mainstream ideology in the German region. As a result, even Hanover, the underling Britain had supported, was no longer as obedient.         The British government had not failed to counteract this, but unfortunately the results had been poor. Not only did the public reject their efforts, but even the rulers showed little interest.         Had Britain promoted the Austrian threat theory before the rise of nationalism, it would certainly have been effective. Unfortunately, the timing was wrong now.         In the minds of nationalists, the Austrian threat theory was indistinguishable from the Austrian unification theory and failed to intimidate anyone.         Against this backdrop, expecting the North German shipyards to keep Britain’s shipbuilding technology confidential was far too much to ask.         It was no wonder Prime Minister Gladstone was angry. Anyone would be frustrated dealing with an underling who required constant investment, yielded no returns, and had a wavering stance.                 First Lord of the Admiralty Sir Astley Cooper Key said, “Prime Minister, the Admiralty’s new shipbuilding plan has been drafted.”         Prime Minister Gladstone took the document and merely glanced at the ship numbers and costs. As for the specific technical parameters, that was not something a layman like him needed to consider.         “Adding six more battleships, isn’t that a bit much? If we scare off France and Austria, how will this game continue?”         Gladstone’s concern was reasonable. For any country, prestige was important, but prestige could not be eaten.         If Britain played too aggressively, it would be normal for France and Austria to back off, since they were both land powers.         Losing a naval arms race would not be fatal to them anyway. With or without a referee, anyone could just declare themselves the winner with a different narrative.         Upon hearing the figure, Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Childers quickly spoke up saying, “This year’s budget has already been fully allocated, and even next year’s budget has been earmarked.         The shipbuilding plans of France and Austria are spread over three to five years. We have no need to rush. The Navy’s shipbuilding plan can be postponed for a couple of years.”         In fact, most of the time, the Royal Navy’s shipbuilding plans were also carried out in stages. This time, however, in order to make a strong first impression, they had started construction on six battleships all at once.         The effect was undoubtedly impressive. Britain had once again demonstrated its formidable shipbuilding capability and shocked the world.         Aside from Britain, no other country in the world had ever undertaken the simultaneous construction of six modern battleships.         However, holding the title of world’s number one came at a price because money was spent at an exceptionally fast rate.         Although a fortune had been made from the Jewish financiers, the spending abilities of the bureaucrats were equally undeniable. In just a few months, the spending plans submitted by various departments had greatly exceeded the total available funds.         To control the speed of government spending, the far-sighted Hugh Childers had early on chosen to reduce government debt holdings.         Apart from a few important projects that were approved, most plans were indefinitely shelved. If they were to be implemented, it would have to wait for some future year when people remembered them again.         In this regard, the current British government was competent, at least in terms of its sense of responsibility.         Astley Cooper Key furrowed his brow and exchanged glances with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the end, he had no choice but to give in helplessly.         There was no alternative because the purse strings were not to be trifled with. Even if shipbuilding funds were allocated, the subsequent increases in naval expenditures would still require the Treasury’s support.         Astley Cooper Key took a step back and said, “The shipbuilding itself can be delayed, but I think the plan should be announced sooner rather than later.         If we want to drain the financial resources of France and Austria, we must put greater pressure on them. If we continue with this lukewarm approach, it will have no effect at all.”         It truly was lukewarm. The arms race had only started in theory. The shipyards of various countries were not operating at full capacity, building only two or three battleships per year. To call that an arms race was almost laughable.         One should remember that in normal years, Britain built two to three battleships annually. Otherwise, it would not have been possible to make up for the gaps left by the retirement of Royal Navy main battleships.                 As the British continued to increase their commitment, the arms race fully ignited. Watching the spectacle put on by the British, French, and Austrian governments, Alexander III appeared particularly despondent.         At such a crucial moment, the Russian Empire was absent.         It should be noted that even declining small nations like Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands had gritted their teeth and announced their own shipbuilding plans.         Although the scale was a bit smaller or merely symbolic, building one ship just to maintain presence, at least they still participated.         It was not that the Russian Empire was so poor it could not even afford to build a single warship. The key problem was that they had no technology at all!         Russia’s major shipyards had not received naval orders for decades, and their technical capabilities had long since deteriorated. Forget modern battleships, they had not even built a basic ironclad.         Their so-called shipbuilding documentation was still stuck in the era of sailing ships. With no technical foundation whatsoever, attempting to leap directly into the pre-dreadnought era was a joke.         Alexander III asked with concern, “Well, have the Austrians agreed to transfer shipbuilding technology?”         In this day and age, shipbuilding technology essentially reflects a nation’s highest level of technological advancement, and everyone keeps it strictly confidential.         Foreign Minister Nikolay Girs said, “The Austrian government has agreed to transfer the technology, but the specific costs need to be negotiated with the shipyards ourselves.         Our representatives visited several Austrian military shipbuilding facility heads, but the results were not optimistic. They demanded bundling, and the prices were far beyond our capacity to bear.         The lowest price came from the Venice Shipyard, where the terms for transferring the latest battleship technology reached 8 million guilders, plus orders for four battleships, ten destroyers, six cruisers, and 36 auxiliary warships.”         This was no longer a technology transfer, but a clear attempt to take advantage. However, there was no alternative, as only a few countries possessed these technologies.         There were fewer than twenty shipyards worldwide capable of building modern battleships, and even fewer willing to sell their technology.         In fact, what Nikolay Girs had not mentioned was that the Venice Shipyard, which provided the lowest price, had never actually built a modern battleship.         How advanced their so-called “advanced technology” truly was, no one could answer.         In fact, many Austrian shipyards were capable of building warships, but their primary business was still the construction of civilian merchant vessels.         Their involvement in military shipbuilding was mainly aimed at promoting their own reputation, similar to advertising.         Generally speaking, the recognized standard is as follows: shipyards capable of building capital ships for the military are considered top-tier shipyards; shipyards capable of building destroyers and cruisers are considered second-tier; shipyards that can only build auxiliary warships are considered third-tier; and shipyards that cannot build military ships are nothing more than small family workshops, no matter how large their scale.         Take the Venice Shipyard, for example. Although it was knocked out in the bidding process, it did not give up on the related technology development.         Originally planning to bid again next time, upon hearing that the Russians wanted to introduce the technology, they decided to take advantage of the opportunity.         As for the other shipyards that participated in the bidding, they obviously colluded to raise the prices together. If the deal went through, the Venice Shipyard would not forget to compensate everyone.         Expecting shipyards to lower their prices due to competition is completely unrealistic. No one will turn down money.         Tsar Alexander III was surprised and said, “How could it be so expensive?”         Foreign Minister Nikolay Girs explained, “The main reason is that very few shipyards possess these technologies, and they involve core corporate technologies that are generally not for sale.         If it weren’t for the opportunity to secure our navy’s orders, these shipyards wouldn’t even bother with giving a price.”         Alexander III nodded. If they didn’t want to sell the technology and deliberately quoted an astronomical price to scare them off, that was perfectly normal.         The option of purchasing warships had never existed. If they couldn’t obtain the most advanced shipbuilding technology, having more warships would be meaningless for the Russian Empire.         After thinking for a moment, Alexander III said bitterly, “Let’s take our time with the negotiations! We’re not in a hurry, anyway, this arms race has nothing to do with us.         If we can’t get the most advanced shipbuilding technology, we’ll settle for the next best thing and acquire the technology for the warships we already have.”         If Austria hadn’t offered a bunch of warships, Alexander III would never have considered purchasing shipbuilding technology.         Now, there was no choice. If they didn’t buy technology from Austria, the maintenance of the warships would have to be done at Austrian shipyards.         This situation forced the Russian Navy to remain confined to the Black Sea and Mediterranean, unable to deploy a fleet to the Baltic.         As for Russian shipyards, many volunteered, claiming they could handle the maintenance, but the Navy Ministry didn’t trust them, fearing these precious assets would be damaged.         Not only did the Navy not trust them, but Alexander III didn’t trust them either. Having received modern education, he understood just how complex the navy was.         When ship maintenance issues arise, they might seem insignificant during normal times, but at a critical moment, they could cost lives. *** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)

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