“What? The Austrians want to annex the Ottoman Empire?” Alexander III, who had just been crowned emperor, hadn’t even had time to celebrate before this bad news arrived. Foreign Minister Nikolay Girs replied, “Yes, Your Majesty. Not long ago, when we applied for a loan from the Austrian government, they made this demand.” Alexander III shook his head and responded firmly, “No, absolutely not! Once we allow the Austrians to annex the Ottoman Empire, their influence will extend deep into Central Asia, and no one can guarantee that they won’t become our competitors. If Central Asia were to fall into the hands of native khanates, we could recapture it. However, if it falls into Austrian hands, reclaiming it would be nearly impossible. Right now, we are so severely weakened that we don’t have the ability to compete with them. The Austrians intend to control our lifeline. If they seize Central Asia, they would have the power to split the Russian Empire in two. Moreover, with their control of the Dardanelles, the future Russian Empire will be forced to act according to their whims.” The reasoning was quite solid, yet Nikolay Girs did not agree. Being controlled by others, this topic was simply too much. It wasn’t just a matter concerning the Dardanelles. In many respects, the Russian Empire was beholden to Austria with its military armaments, finance, and economy, the three core lifelines, all inseparable from Austrian influence. After a moment’s hesitation, Nikolay Girs reminded, “Your Majesty, solving the Dardanelles issue is not difficult. Many years ago, we had already talked about it with the Austrians, and the Austrian government agreed that we could either pay to redeem it or engage in a territorial exchange. Due to some special circumstances, the deal ultimately fell through. This clearly shows that the Austrian government does not attach great importance to the Dardanelles. If we wish to secure it, it should not be too difficult.” Alexander III had only just ascended the throne, and no one had yet gauged his temperament. The cautious Nikolay Girs chose instead to strike indirectly. While the Austrian threat was indeed real, now was not the time to consider that issue. At this moment, the Russian government needed money above all else, and all other matters could be postponed. In this regard, the Russian government was confident. The sheer size of the Russian Empire meant there was no real concern about an external invasion. The Austrian threat was based on the assumption that the two nations had not fallen out. If they were to truly part ways, these issues could easily be overcome. After a moment’s hesitation, Alexander III resignedly nodded and said, “Then let’s negotiate with the Austrians first. Under no circumstances can we allow them to monopolize the Ottoman Empire.” Alexander III’s diplomatic talent far exceeded that of his forebears, and he quickly grasped the key point that once Austria resolutely decides to act against the Ottoman Empire, nothing can stop them. With the support of the Russian Empire, the situation would become even easier. But without their backing, Austria could still wage war. The aftermath of the Russo-Prussian War had not yet dissipated, and Europe was still immersed in an anti-war sentiment. Britain and France could not possibly go to war with the Ottoman Empire against Austria. Although Russia seemed to wield significant influence, they were still licking their wounds, their government short on funds, and compounded by the age-old enmity between Russia and the Turks, Alexander III simply could not find any reason to save the Ottomans. Alexander III was rational, just like when he had halted the domestic purge. Realizing that he could not prevent Austria, he decisively chose instead to secure some benefit. … Foreign Minister Nikolay Girs added, “Your Majesty, besides this issue, we must also consider the matter of Finland. Before the war, in order to stabilize the Nordic Federation and to raise funds for the war effort, we signed a mortgage loan agreement with the Swedes that contained a secret clause. It clearly stipulated that after the war, the Finnish territory was to be sold to the Nordic Federation. Should we default, not only would we have to repay the debt, but we would also be liable to pay a penalty, with the Austrian government acting as guarantor.” This is yet another huge pitfall. Before the outbreak of the Russo-Prussian War, in order to eliminate one enemy, the Russian government had no choice but to sign such a treaty. Now, it has become a dilemma again, a sort of “fortunate trouble,” the kind of trouble one only encounters after winning a war. During the reign of Alexander II, the contingency plan was to seize the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein and hand them over to the Nordic Federation as compensation for this debt. Unfortunately, halfway through the execution of that plan, Alexander II met his end. Alexander III, lacking his father’s resilience and sufficient prestige, and with the domestic situation not permitting him to continue the war, soon chose to compromise after facing strong opposition from the European nations. Alexander III furrowed his brows and shook his head as he said, “The strategic significance of Finland is too great to hand it over—at least, not in its entirety. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should first reach out to the Nordic Federation to see if they would accept the sale of only part of Finland.” After all, this debt is guaranteed by Austria. We should not resort to forceful threats unless absolutely necessary.” Weak countries have no diplomacy, and the Russians have never been ones to follow the rules. Compared to resolving issues at the negotiating table, they are much more adept at firing cannons. Tsar Alexander III could be considered a pacifist among the Russian tsars. He was even willing to honor agreements by giving up parts of Finland. If it had been his father, Alexander II, the situation would not have been handled with such flexibility. Of course, Austria’s guarantee has also played an important role. That “Debt Guarantee Contract” was not merely a form of security, it also contained explicit penalty clauses. Rather than using incentives to buy off Austria and silence the Austrian government, Alexander III felt that negotiating with the Nordic Federation would be a more straightforward way to achieve their objective. Foreign Minister Nikolay Girs laughed and said, “Your Majesty, rest assured. If we can deliver on our promise with parts of the Finnish territory, the Nordic Federation will not refuse our goodwill.” … Berlin. Once a bustling metropolis, it suddenly fell silent after the end of the Russo-Prussian War. Even though some funds were recouped by selling off territory, the Prussian government still found itself in dire straits. The crushing debt only increased the burden on the Prussian people, and more importantly, the despair of defeat left many without hope for the future. In order to offer an explanation to its citizens, Wilhelm I has already abdicated, ushering in the era of Frederick III in Prussia. This guy was really unlucky. In the original timeline, he ascended the throne only to meet his maker a few days later, earning the nickname “The Hundred Days Emperor” (with an actual reign of 99 days). He barely outlived his father, got a fleeting taste of imperial power, and then quickly departed from this world. Under the butterfly effect, Frederick III now ascends the throne prematurely, and he, too, is out of luck, inheriting a complete mess. The only silver lining was probably that Wilhelm I’s abdication forced a group of Junker nobles to resign as well, removing many of the detestable figures. Compared to this current mess, Frederick III might even have preferred to deal with a bunch of Junker nobles. After all, the king is essentially the biggest Junker of them all. Their class interests remain the same, and they’re merely competing for power. Looking at the map hanging on the wall, Frederick III let out a deep sigh. Before he had done anything at all, the territory of the Kingdom of Prussia had already shrunk by more than half. A nation’s revival depends on both its population and its resources. With the defeat in the Prusso-Russian War, the Kingdom of Prussia lost vast tracts of territory, along with large amounts of its population and resources. Whether one admits it or not, the Kingdom of Prussia has become a small country.
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