Holy Roman Empire Chapter 722 - The Unlucky Ones

        



        With the end of the Russo-Prussian War, Frederick’s marriage also came onto the agenda as it was a major event for Austria.         Hanover was never able to assert control over the German Federal Empire, and the Grand Duchy of Baden played a crucial role in this. Without them, along with a group of minor states opposing both the imperial parliament and the central government, the German Federal Empire would not have fragmented so drastically.         Of course, Austria also contributed significantly. Without the support of the Austrian government, the Grand Duchy of Baden would not have been able to rally so many allies.         At this point, the marital alliance was, in effect, Franz’s way of bolstering Baden, encouraging them not to back down, to continue opposing Hanover, with Austria ready to back them if trouble arose.         With the British meddling in the affairs of the North German Empire, such support became particularly important. Otherwise, once Hanover and Prussia formed a dual monarchy, those small states really wouldn’t be able to hold out.         In fact, Franz was quite conflicted at the time.         On the one hand, he did not want to see the North German Empire consolidated, as that would make unification even more difficult. On the other hand, he hoped to use George I to clear out these small states, so as not to leave future complications.         Supporting the Grand Duchy of Baden was also a measure born out of necessity. Although there were many states in the region of Germany, they were essentially a collection of small fry with each one weaker than the next, mostly at the level of town mayors, and some even at the level of village chiefs.         The Grand Duchy of Baden was, among the less powerful states, one of the stronger ones. Its overall strength was roughly half that of Hanover, and with Austrian support, it could barely hold its own against one or two opponents.         No matter how small these states were, possessing the status of an independent entity meant they each had at least one vote in the Imperial Parliament. It wouldn’t have been a problem if they didn’t attend meetings, but when issues arose that required convening, having so many participants became a hassle.         From an administrative perspective, reducing the number of states was undoubtedly a good thing. Franz would never have taken such a divisive step himself. Otherwise, the Principality of Liechtenstein wouldn’t even exist.         Supporting Baden now may very well have been a deliberate move to provoke George I, luring him into resorting to violent measures to resolve the issues.         Whether George I was shrewd or merely too timid, one thing was clear: he wasn’t fooled.         With the central government lacking sufficient strength, the small states naturally refused to cooperate.         At first, everyone was still somewhat wary of Hanover’s power. But once it became clear that George I was taking no action, the small states grew bolder and simply used the Imperial Parliament to effectively neutralize the central government.         This, in essence, is the fundamental reason why the German Federal Empire could never be consolidated. The rulers of the small states had long been accustomed to their freedom and were unwilling to give up the power they held.         The Habsburg dynasty cared deeply about appearances, so the crown prince’s wedding could not be handled carelessly. The ceremony, naturally, had to be a grand affair.         The detailed preparations didn’t require Franz’s personal involvement, as dedicated staff were in charge. He merely needed to act as the senior figure by communicating with the Baden royal family and, incidentally, confirming the date.         Frankly speaking, if it weren’t to show proper respect, Franz wouldn’t have bothered to get involved himself.         But there was no helping it. His workload had become truly overwhelming, and even he, the so-called “idle emperor,” was feeling the strain.         The Prussian-Russian negotiations demanded attention, he was busy tinkering with a new Vienna System, and he had to keep an eye on the refugee resettlement issues as well as the massive purge being carried out by the Russian government…         Compared to before, Franz had been working overtime every single day recently, clocking in over eight hours daily, and he hadn’t had a single day off for five straight days.         At this rate, Franz seriously doubted he might end up dying of depression. If it weren’t for his sons being too immature, he would have conscripted them to help shoulder the burden.         He had just finished a phone call with the Grand Duke of Baden to finalize Frederick’s wedding, and before he could even rest, another matter had come knocking at his door.                 Foreign Minister Wesenberg said, “Your Majesty, the embassy in St. Petersburg has just transmitted a message that the Crown Prince Alexandrovich has called off the purge.         The Russian government pinned the blame for Alexander II’s assassination on the Narodnaya Volya, and Alexandrovich, in his capacity as Crown Prince, has issued an execution order for the assassin.         Regarding the suspects arrested by the Russian government, aside from those already determined to be problematic, the others are being gradually released.”         Assigning the blame to the Narodnaya Volya means that the purge is coming to an end. Revolutionary parties were already the targets of arrest, and generally speaking, accumulating too many charges doesn’t help.         Of course, this might be an exception. The charge of regicide, while earning the Narodnaya Volya a notorious reputation, has also sent them straight to hell.         If nothing unexpected happens, the remaining members of the Narodnaya Volya will surely rebrand themselves and continue their unfinished revolutionary endeavors.         If they persist in carrying that name, they won’t even be able to secure sponsorship on the international stage as monarchical states will not support regicides.         This is politically correct. In an era when monarchies held sway, politicians would never commit such an obvious mistake.         Franz nodded and said, “It seems that the Russian government is about to undergo an internal reshuffle, and if nothing unexpected happens, the Russians’ path of reform will come to a halt.         Alexandrovich is not his father, Alexander II, and lacks the determination to continue with reforms, which is good news for us.         Since the Russians have already reached a conclusion, let’s hand over the Narodnaya Volya members we’ve arrested to the Russian government. We have no need to overstep our bounds.”         The situation within Russia was very clear. As Alexander II continued to deepen his reforms, more and more interest groups were affected, and the strength of the opposition was growing day by day.         The ability to push through reforms depended on the Tsar’s control of the military. Alexander II’s top-down reforms were enforced solely through the use of power.         If Alexandrovich wanted to continue advancing the reforms, the very next step should be to expand the “regicide case,” launching a massive purge to crack down on the conservatives who opposed reform.         Alexander II had emancipated the serfs and redistributed land, earning him considerable popularity among the people.         Using the “regicide case” as a pretext to act, even if the conservatives were to rebel, they would not be able to garner public support.         A few individual nobles and capitalists were really not a big deal. Once the leading figures were taken out, the rest would eventually come around.         Alexandrovich only eliminated the most active troublemakers before halting the purge. Undoubtedly, he gave up his strongest trump card.         Of course, one cannot say that his decision was mistaken. The opposition was not weak. If the purge had been expanded, the resulting chaos would have been enormous.         Alexandrovich lacked his father’s prestige, let alone his father’s grand vision, and even if he had pressed ahead with deeper reforms, he might not have been able to maintain control. In that light, choosing compromise is hardly surprising.         After Alexander II’s reforms, the internal conflicts within the Russian Empire had eased, and the most dangerous period had passed. It wasn’t difficult for one to become a “peaceful emperor.”         If there was no intention to deepen the reforms further, then continuing to suppress the opposition would have been pointless. A brief round of crackdowns followed by an immediate pullback was enough to demonstrate Alexandrovich’s political acumen.         For Franz, a weakened Russian Empire was the ideal kind of Russia. Had the Russian government completed its internal reforms, that would have become a genuine, pressing threat for Austria.         It was fortunate that Alexandrovich was willing to stand down. Otherwise, Franz would have had to find ways to sabotage them, and Russo-Austrian relations would have been ruined.         Now that the purge is over, the Narodnaya Volya members, being the direct perpetrators of Alexander II’s death, will naturally have to pay a heavy, bloody price.         Not only will the Narodnaya Volya members captured by Austria be in trouble, but those apprehended by other countries will likely also end up on the gallows.         Fleeing to hostile Prussia is useless. To avoid any implication, the Prussian government will only work even harder, using them as a sort of “gift” for the Russians.         A pardon is out of the question. If it had been an attempted assassination, there might have been a chance for leniency, but with Alexander II dead, nothing can be done now.         It’s not just that the Russian government is unwilling to let them go, the Russian people themselves won’t give them a break either.         No matter what, to the common folk, Alexander II is a hero.         Even though the first Russo-Prussian War had been a failure that tarnished his brilliant image, he later redeemed himself through a dose of shame-fueled determination, wiping away those stains.         “Yes, Your Majesty!” replied the Minister of Police.         The unlucky members of the Narodnaya Volya are not worthy of anyone’s sympathy and they must bear the consequences of their own actions. As fellow monarchical states, their stance on cracking down on “regicides” is entirely consistent.         Fortunately, the Narodnaya Volya is just a small revolutionary faction. Had it been a large organization with many members, the result would have been a bloodbath.         Once again, history proves that a rabble never becomes a formidable force. A handful of hot-headed youths, through one reckless act, have doomed the future of the Narodnaya Volya.

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