In St. Petersburg, the atmosphere of the entire city has grown tense following the assassination of Alexander II. Military police are constantly deployed, hunting down members of revolutionary groups everywhere. The prisons are nearly overflowing, yet the mastermind behind the scenes remains at large. At the Winter Palace, in accordance with the traditions of the Russian Empire, Alexandrovich has taken charge as the crown prince since the death of Alexander II. Perhaps spurred by the shock of his father’s assassination, Alexandrovich has gone to the opposite extreme, choosing to stay secluded at home. Staying at home does not hinder his governance. Catching the assassins does not require the crown prince to take to the field himself as there are plenty of people below him eager to use this opportunity to rise swiftly through the ranks. … Alexandrovich asked, “Have you found the person?” The Minister of Police, Nicholas Fedorov, replied with a tremble, “We have found him, but unfortunately, our men arrived too late. The suspect is already dead. On the surface, it appears to be a suicide, but after our thorough investigation, we discovered that the deceased had undergone intense psychological struggles before death. It seems he was forced to commit suicide.” It was no wonder he was nervous. With such a major case occurring, he, as the Minister of Police, could hardly escape blame. Returning home to farm was not the worst outcome. What was truly frightening was the inability to produce a result promptly and risk being labeled a rebel by the new Tsar. Nothing was impossible. The assassination of Alexander II had too many suspicious points, and a plausible answer had to be provided to give everyone an explanation. Politics is ruthless. If the real culprit could not be found, it was not impossible for someone to be framed. Everyone knew that Nicholas Fedorov, the Minister of Police, was a close confidant of Alexander II and could not have orchestrated the assassination. However, he was precisely the person with the capability to silence witnesses and cover up the case. The outer security for the Tsar’s outings was the responsibility of the Ministry of Police. On the day of the incident, a large-scale violent riot occurred nearby, and Alexander II ordered these police officers to intervene, thereby creating an opportunity for the assassins. This responsibility certainly cannot be borne by Alexander II so the Ministry of Police must take the fall. With a large number of suspects subsequently “committing suicide,” the Ministry of Police, responsible for investigating the assassination, is even more culpable. As the head of the Ministry of Police, Nicholas Fedorov is, in reality, already inextricably involved. Unless the real culprit can be found, his own suspicion cannot be cleared. Alexandrovich glared at him fiercely and scolded, “Useless! One by one, the informants are committing suicide, and you haven’t even discovered a single clue. Will it take you committing suicide too before you realize what’s happening?” Nicholas Fedorov’s face turned pale, and his body trembled incessantly, as if he might collapse at any moment. The phrase “you committing suicide too” carried too many implications. Nicholas Fedorov admitted he was terrified. If the crown prince began to suspect him, it would be the end. Evidence? That was wishful thinking. Many things in this world do not require evidence. When it comes to regicide, having a suspect is enough. Evidence is not necessary. Seeing the Minister of Police’s reaction, Alexandrovich felt an inexplicable sense of relief. It was good that he was scared. If the Minister of Police had remained unmoved, that would have truly been a problem. There was no helping it. Alexander II’s death was too sudden, and Alexandrovich was completely unprepared to ascend the throne. Retaining his father’s previous team was a matter of necessity. Even if he wanted to replace them now, Alexandrovich had no idea who to appoint in their stead. Was the Minister of Police, Nicholas Fedorov, truly incompetent? Clearly not. A true fool could never have risen to such a high position. His current poor performance was due to being terrified by the situation. As someone implicated in this regicide case, if he could remain calm, it would either mean he had a heart of stone or that he had no fear at all. Either scenario would pose a threat to Alexandrovich, who was about to ascend the throne. After a pause, Alexandrovich continued, “Since you can’t uncover anything, let’s hand it over to someone capable! I have already invited detectives from various European countries. You will be responsible for cooperating with them.” Was he not afraid of losing face by seeking external help? The answer was: No! With the emperor assassinated, the Russian government had already lost face. For Alexandrovich, not finding the mastermind behind the assassination meant he couldn’t sleep peacefully. Compared to his own safety, face was not that important. This assassination clearly involved domestic interest groups, and Alexandrovich, unsure of who could be trusted, had no choice but to seek external assistance. Of course, this was all for show, deliberately done to make the outside world believe that the crown prince was at his wit’s end. In secret, Marshal Ivanov was indeed bringing back the meritorious officers to receive their rewards. These men were the true foundation of the Tsar. It wasn’t that there were no loyal ministers left in Russia, but the problem was that Alexandrovich couldn’t distinguish friend from foe at the moment. For safety’s sake, he had no choice but to recall the army. Regardless of whether the real culprit could be found, a major purge was inevitable. Unlike the previous purge conducted by Alexander II under the guise of anti-corruption, this one would be bloody. In a sense, the great purge that Alexander II carried out after the first Russo-Prussian War, under the pretext of fighting corruption, laid the groundwork for subsequent reforms. At the same time, it also sowed the seeds for his own assassination. From 1871 onwards, Alexander II began to experience the “good fortune” of being targeted by assassins every now and then. Over the years, the number of assassins executed by the Russian government has exceeded four digits, yet this has not dampened the enthusiasm of those whose interests were harmed to continue their attempts. During the era of Alexander II, there were so many assassination attempts on the emperor, yet very few of the real culprits were ever uncovered. Mostly, the blame fell on revolutionaries or patriots. Even if the real culprits could not be identified, it was still possible to make educated guesses. Who had their interests harmed and sought revenge? Who most desired the death of Alexander II? By arresting these two groups of people and investigating them thoroughly, some leads were bound to be found. Even if they were not connected to this particular assassination, uncovering the real culprits of previous attempts would still be a significant achievement. The idea of letting the matter rest was out of the question. The Russo-Prussian War had just ended, and Alexander II was at the height of his power. Without producing a satisfactory outcome, Alexandrovich would be unable to justify the situation to the nation. … The assassination of Alexander II first affected the Prussian-German negotiations. The Prussian government was genuinely panicked, and their previously unyielding stance on territorial issues softened. The main point of contention now was the transaction price, and at this stage, it was essentially a settled matter. In London, while the Prussian-German negotiations had achieved a breakthrough, removing the first major obstacle to the establishment of North Germany, Prime Minister Benjamin did not feel pleased. Everything is progressing too smoothly, so smoothly that it feels unreal. Putting down the draft contract in his hand, Prime Minister Benjamin asked, “Sir Edward, has Austria not made any moves?” Foreign Secretary Edward replied, “No, the Austrians have indeed acted. However, their response this time has been somewhat slow, and their intervention has been minimal. Perhaps they believed they could rely on the Imperial Parliament of the German Federal Empire to veto this deal, which is why they didn’t rush to act. Of course, the sudden assassination of Alexander II is also a factor. According to intelligence from our embassy, the Austrian government is currently focusing most of its attention on the Russian Empire.” These reasons still seem a bit unconvincing. No matter how focused they are, it’s unlikely that all their resources are directed there. Even a fraction of their attention could have made the Prussian-German negotiations more difficult. Relying on the Imperial Parliament to veto the deal is too passive and doesn’t seem like Austria’s usual approach. Moreover, the Imperial Parliament of the German Federal Empire can also be bypassed. The North Germany plan is being implemented step by step, and the merger of Prussia and Germany is the final step. However, this is just the beginning. The current negotiations are between Prussia and Hanover, not the federal government of the German Federal Empire. Under the unique system of the German Federal Empire, the member states possess independent diplomatic rights, including the authority to enter into treaties with other nations. Therefore, the transaction between Hanover and Prussia does not require the approval of the Imperial Parliament. The first step involves the territorial exchange, followed by an alliance between Hanover and the Kingdom of Prussia. The third step is the establishment of a joint kingdom between Prussia and Hanover, with the final step being the creation of North Germany. In reality, by the time Prussia and Hanover merge, the Kingdom of Prussia would already be part of the German Federal Empire, and the Imperial Parliament would have no power to obstruct it. Once the fait accompli is established, it would then pressure the parliament to consent, thereby reducing resistance significantly. Theoretically, Austria could emulate such a maneuver, but in practice, it’s virtually impossible. For the sake of survival, the Kingdom of Prussia can set aside its pride and, with Hanover taking the lead, establish a dualistic state to jointly dominate the forthcoming North Germany. However, Austria cannot do the same. Franz cannot afford to lose face in such a manner, and the Austrian populace would not tolerate such an event. A great power must maintain its dignity and cannot engage in every possible action. Prime Minister Benjamin nodded, “Let’s hope so! They should expedite the negotiations to establish the fait accompli sooner, lest further complications arise.” Doubts aside, at this juncture, even if it’s clear that there’s a pitfall ahead, the British government has no choice but to leap into it. To retreat now would be to contribute to Austria’s unification of Germany. The human mind is the most complex thing. The reason the British government was able to persuade Prussia and Hanover is that no one believes Austria can unify the German region. If the British were to back down now, people’s perceptions would shift. Many would think that the British government is afraid of Austria and dares not confront them directly. Once this notion takes hold, people will start reconsidering whether Austria has the capability to unify the German states. The essence of unification lies in ideology. If all Germans believe that Austria has the strength to unify the German region and are willing to join a great unified empire, then nothing can stop it. The fundamental reason the Austrian government dares not take this step is the fear of facing a united front from European powers before it can consolidate Germany. Internal instability coupled with external threats is something no one can withstand. The great feat that even Napoleon could not accomplish, Franz does not believe he can achieve it. If everyone were to think about unification, then there’s nothing more to say. European nations would lack the motivation to intervene, as it would be futile. No matter how they try to divide, unification would still occur. The reason the British can step in to divide is primarily because no one believes Austria has the strength to unify Germany, and many even think that unification would be a path to certain doom. Even though pro-Austrian factions are more numerous in various countries, and the benefits of a grand unification are known, no one dares to take that step. It is under these circumstances that North Germanism has grown and thrived.
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