At almost the same moment the British government received the news, the Austrian government also received an urgent telegram from Africa. The Anglo-Austrian conflict in southern Africa had broken out. According to the telegram, the incident began when a head of cattle belonging to Viscount Aguirre, a Holy Roman Empire landholder in southern Africa, wandered into the border area to graze and was shot dead by a British farmer named Jorge on the opposite side. Negotiations over compensation failed. Enraged, Viscount Aguirre personally led men to loot the other party’s farm and killed several unfortunate individuals in the process. There was nothing surprising about this. In colonies governed by the law of the jungle, such episodes had long been commonplace. Colonists in this era were all desperados. When words failed, violence was the default response. The Holy Roman Empire’s enfeoffed nobles were no less hot-tempered. They were all veterans forged on the battlefield, and backing down was simply not an option. Especially when conflicts of interest arose between the two sides, the situation became even more intolerable. Since talks had failed, the issue was settled according to colonial custom, through force. Under normal circumstances, this would not have amounted to much. In colonial conflicts, killing one or two people was hardly unusual. Unfortunately for Viscount Aguirre, his luck ran out. During his withdrawal, he encountered British troops rushing to the scene, and fierce fighting broke out between the two sides. Relying on his extensive combat experience, Aguirre fought his way out successfully, but his identity was exposed in the process. Such things were usually done in secret. As long as no evidence surfaced, everyone pretended not to lift the lid. This time, however, was different. The British had confirmed Viscount Aguirre’s identity, and that was something they could not tolerate. Handing him over was naturally impossible. As the dominant power in Africa, the Holy Roman Empire had no reason to care about British protests. Whether they were acting on impulse or simply looking for an excuse, after communications broke down, the British chose a clear and sunny day to launch an attack on Viscount Aguirre’s territory. According to the British, this was an attempt to apprehend the culprit. Naturally, the Holy Roman Empire did not accept this explanation. Viscount Aguirre was not acting alone. After his territory came under attack by the British forces, neighboring nobles immediately mobilized troops to provide assistance. Having defeated the invading British troops, the humiliated Viscount Aguirre, in consultation with the supporting noble lords, decided to demand reparation from the British. Then they began calling in allies. Within half a month, a coalition force numbering over ten thousand had gathered and marched resolutely toward the Cape of Good Hope. By this point, the incident had long surpassed the bounds of a mere “armed conflict.” Describing it as a war was far more accurate. The private armies of the Holy Roman Empire’s nobles clashed with the British colonial administration. Everyone realized the situation had escalated beyond concealment. Both sides could no longer hide the severity of the matter, leaving resolution to their respective home governments. The delay in reporting was not due to negligence on the part of the South African governor nor any intentional cover-up. It was primarily a reflection of the era. With the advent of the colonial age, conflicts in overseas territories had become commonplace. In the case of the Holy Roman Empire, there were on average over a hundred disputes with neighbors each year, ranging from petty quarrels to armed clashes. In this context, if every conflict required intervention from the central government, the Holy Roman government would have nothing else to do but handle the aftermath daily. To improve administrative efficiency, Franz redefined the handling of colonial conflicts based on practical considerations. Any disputes that did not escalate into fighting were ignored and left for local authorities to handle, without the need to report. Armed conflicts involving fewer than a thousand participants or causing fewer than a hundred casualties only required the local government to report the outcome. Only large-scale conflicts that the local authorities could not manage were escalated to the central government for direct intervention. It was because of these limitations that this conflict had dragged on until now before finally being reported. … Chancellor Chandler said, “This is the general sequence of events. Looking at the incident as a whole, Viscount Aguirre’s extreme actions were the main reason the conflict erupted. However, there is a reason behind it. Viscount Aguirre was merely defending the inviolability of private property. While his methods were a bit excessive, it is understandable when dealing with bandits. If the British forces had not crossed the border without authorization and escalated the tension, there would not have been the subsequent large-scale military conflict. The government believes that the British bear the primary responsibility for this incident. The retaliatory actions of the noble coalition were simply to protect national sovereignty and security.” It was clear that Chandler was downplaying the issue, shifting responsibility left and right. Politics, after all, is always about weighing gains and losses, not about black and white. Even though the noble coalition had just launched their counterattack, and even if they had already taken control of the Cape of Good Hope, the Holy Roman government would still place the blame on the British. The responsibility for the conflict lay entirely with Britain and there was no need to investigate within the Holy Roman Empire. Moreover, calling it a war was not accurate. From start to finish, the Holy Roman government had not been directly involved. It was merely an ordinary local conflict so how could it be considered a war? Although the scale of the clash was somewhat large, it was still just a conflict. War is an entirely different concept. A glance at the history of the Holy Roman Empire shows that, over the past few centuries, its vassals and foreign powers had clashed countless times, yet the central government had been involved in only a handful of cases. It was not just the Holy Roman Empire—European countries in general have similar histories. Private skirmishes among nobles do not constitute wars between states; at most, they are “friendly matches” among civilians. Currently, only around ten thousand people were involved. Believe it or not, in a few months, the number could easily increase tenfold. It was clear that Chancellor Chandler had made up his mind that as long as he did not recognize this as a war, it would remain classified as a local armed conflict. As for the British government having complaints, they were free to retaliate however they wished. If they felt particularly aggrieved, they could even declare war outright and the Holy Roman government would take it all in stride. In a sense, this was Britain’s own fault. They insisted on keeping a colonial territory in South Africa spanning tens of thousands of square kilometers. Had they retained only a single port city, the nobles would not have been nearly as eager. After all, under the Holy Roman Empire’s system, key ports and major cities were under central control, while the surrounding regions were part of the fief system. It could not be said that whoever conquered the land automatically owned it, but claiming the tastiest piece of the cake was still a must. War consumes money like a beast. Without sufficient incentives, even if all the surrounding areas were occupied by relatives, efficiency would never be this high. A territory coveted by all, now conveniently offered with an excuse—it was impossible not to act. The cause of the incident? The noble coalition stated: “We only saw the British forces invading. Our deployment was to defend our homes and protect the land and we are merely pursuing the intruding enemy. As long as the British South African government hands over all participants, holds those responsible to account, and compensates for the losses, the matter will be settled. Regarding the earlier events, we regret that it represents only one side of the colonial administration’s story. Given your government’s conduct, we have every reason not to believe it.” In short, the nobles claimed ignorance, placing all responsibility elsewhere. Not only were they blameless, but they were also heroes defending their homeland against invaders. From the Holy Roman government’s perspective, that was the only proper definition. No matter what reasons or justifications the British offered, the original sin was the British army’s unauthorized entry. At this point, stopping was obviously impossible. The frontlines were already engaged and even if a halt were ordered now, it would be too late. Moreover, given the current international situation, the world already knew that a confrontation between the Holy Roman Empire and Britain was inevitable in the near future. Acting a few months earlier or later made little essential difference. At this point, arguing over causes and consequences had no practical meaning beyond verbal sparring. In the end, both sides would shift blame back and forth, and the loser would bear all responsibility. As soon as the words fell, the Minister of War, Vieslav, spoke up indignantly, “Your Majesty, the British army’s unauthorized entry into our territory is a blatant act of disrespect toward the Empire. We must strike them head-on.” Although in a war against Britain the army would no longer play the leading role, in the colonies it was still the backbone of military power. In recent years the navy and the air force had developed rapidly, but in the great colonial expansion they were little more than supporting actors. A review of the wars of the past several decades made this clear. Every one of them had been won by the army. Under such circumstances, it was only natural that most nobles produced by the military merit and ennoblement system came from the army. Even if it had been reduced to a supporting role this time, when it came to seizing territory, the army would still be the main force. War was unpredictable. If naval battles were lost, it would ultimately be the army that turned the tide. This was never said aloud, but their actions made it obvious that the army as a whole was not optimistic about the Holy Roman Navy’s chances of victory. To deal with the potential fallout of a naval defeat, the Ministry of War had even drawn up a so-called “Plan to Hold Up the Sky.” The plan was brutally simple. The main force would advance from the Middle East, march through Persia, and strike straight at India. A secondary force would depart from Malaysia, advance through the Indochinese Peninsula, and attack India from the flank. In short, seize India and knock Britain down from its pedestal. As for territorial competition in Africa, that could only be considered a routine side dish, far from the main course. With the plan already in place, the prerequisite for implementation was obvious. A war between the Holy Roman Empire and Britain. Regardless of whether the Holy Roman government was currently prioritizing naval development, once war broke out there would be only one objective: Victory. If the army could seize India, it would become the foremost contributor to victory in the war, and the navy and air force would have no choice but to follow behind as supporting actors. The Holy Roman government was fully aware of the army’s plan. While it could not be said to support it wholeheartedly, no one could refuse having an additional option on the table, and a considerable amount of resources was still allocated to it. The underlying reason was simple. Confidence in the navy was limited, while confidence in the army was overwhelming. Although the army’s plan faced enormous challenges of its own, the prevailing belief was that as long as sufficient resources were committed, the operation could eventually be pushed through. The Minister of the Air Force, Conrad, voiced his agreement, “The marshal is absolutely right. We must deliver a decisive blow to the enemy. Britain’s era is over. Now it is our turn to take the stage.” If the army wanted war, the air force wanted it even more. As the youngest branch of the military, the Holy Roman Air Force faced the same problem as the navy, a lack of battlefield achievements. The military was a place that revered strength. The only way to prove one’s power was on the battlefield. By comparison, the air force had far greater confidence. Although it had been established later and had taken part in fewer wars, the opponents it had faced were even more inexperienced. The Holy Roman Air Force at least had experience with bombing missions and shooting down airships. The British Royal Air Force, by contrast, was an outright novice. Moreover, the Holy Roman aviation industry had started earlier, and its overall industrial strength was far superior to Britain’s. When translated into military terms, this meant aircraft with better performance. With so many advantages, as long as it did not sabotage itself, the air force had virtually no chance of defeat. The navy’s situation was far more miserable by comparison. Despite receiving priority access to government resources, it was still overshadowed by the Royal Navy. The army and the air force both ranked first in the world, possessing strength that allowed them to look down on all rivals. Only the navy could claim no better than second place. Until more than a dozen newly built capital ships entered service, the navy simply lacked the strength to challenge the Royal Navy. Unfortunately, time was not on its side. With the situation having reached this point, it was impossible to wait until the navy was fully prepared before going to war. At the very least, the British had no intention of waiting. Not wanting to lose face when everyone else was clamoring for war, Naval Minister Castagni could only brace himself and step forward and said, “The navy is fully prepared. Once war breaks out, we will adopt commerce raiding tactics and harass the enemy’s maritime trade routes. After the new warships enter service, we will put to sea and fight a decisive battle with the British, breaking the Royal Navy’s dominance at sea.” There was no helping it. At the final moment, his resolve still faltered. Castagni had originally intended to shout a few resounding slogans, but under the scrutinizing gazes of those present, he ultimately chose to speak the truth. Fortunately, he pulled back in time. Had he declared that the navy would immediately seek a decisive battle with the Royal Navy, morale in the room would likely have collapsed entirely. A person must know his own limits, and the same applies to an army. Being unable to defeat the enemy is not frightening. What is truly frightening is lacking self-awareness. This was especially true for those at the highest levels of government. A single decision could shape the nation’s fate for decades to come. Accurate self assessment was therefore of paramount importance. … After sweeping his gaze across the room, Franz spoke calmly, “The navy and air force are to immediately initiate first level strategic mobilization. The army is to initiate second level tactical mobilization. All government departments are to prepare for coordination and cooperation. The Foreign Ministry will issue a formal protest to the British government, condemning the shameless act of British troops illegally crossing the border and attacking civilians, and demanding that the perpetrators be handed over. The Ministry of Propaganda is to immediately launch a public opinion campaign and place full responsibility on the British. Overseas departments are to begin evacuation procedures. With the exception of intelligence services, all institutions within Britain and its allied states are to complete withdrawal within two months. Evacuation of nationals is to proceed simultaneously with British actions. If necessary, this task may be delegated to neutral countries. Customs authorities are to strengthen reviews of strategic material exports on the grounds of international tension, ensuring as much as possible that such materials do not flow to the British Isles. The domestic economy is to transition toward a wartime readiness, with resources prioritized for warship and aircraft production. The General Staff is to finalize operational plans as soon as possible. All colonial governments are ordered to activate full wartime systems. If necessary, certain territories may be abandoned.…”
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