London “Prime Minister, has Parliament approved the Empire’s plan to launch a war against the Holy Roman Empire?” “Prime Minister, why provoke this conflict? What do we stand to gain?” “Prime Minister, is the Empire prepared? How confident are we of victory?” … The moment Campbell woke up and stepped outside, still half-dazed, he was immediately surrounded by reporters. A barrage of questions swept toward him, each one sharper than the last. Hidden traps were everywhere. With his long experience, Campbell knew these reporters were looking to stir up trouble again. For the sensationalist press, the only thing that mattered was selling papers. Whether Britain would actually go to war with the Holy Roman Empire was irrelevant. Used to the media’s tactics, Campbell paused for a moment, then raised his hand and said, “The government will hold a formal press briefing to address these questions. For now, all I can say is that we have no plans to launch a war against the Holy Roman Empire, but we are not afraid of war. Do not be misled by rumors circulating in the market. Britain is a peace-loving nation, and we are willing to work with all peace-loving countries to safeguard global peace.” Once he finally broke free from the reporters, Campbell’s expression darkened. They had arrived too quickly. Someone was clearly orchestrating this from behind the scenes. If he hadn’t reacted fast enough, he might already be trapped in their narrative. Britain’s system was already mature. Without Parliament’s approval, the government had no authority to wage war on a major power. Members of Parliament never relaxed when it came to guarding their prerogatives. If even a hint of such plans leaked, Campbell could expect nothing but trouble. He no longer had the energy to condemn his rivals for their shameless tactics. The real problem was that the veil had been torn. Britain was being pushed toward the edge of a cliff. A sneak attack or a feint was no longer possible. If reporters already knew Britain and the Holy Roman Empire were approaching open conflict, then the entire world knew. … Campbell convened an emergency cabinet meeting, his anger barely contained. “The information has already leaked, and public opinion is turning sharply against us. The strategic stockpiling measures we proposed earlier are now being cited as evidence of our intentions. The opposition will not let this opportunity go. The pattern is always the same: reporters strike first, then the parliamentary interrogations follow. If we cannot produce a reasonable explanation, the days ahead will be extremely difficult for us. To prevent the situation from deteriorating further, we need a concrete plan today.” Internal rivalry was an unavoidable component of British politics. Ministers felt the urgency of the crisis, but the opposition did not. Unlike the senior leadership of the Holy Roman Empire, which rose step by step through a rigid hierarchy, senior figures in the British government often came to power in a single leap through elections. Even those who had some prior experience usually spent it in Parliament where their main task was attacking their opponents. Only a few had ever held substantive administrative posts. Even for those who had, their tenure often served more as political ornamentation than practical experience. Most were figureheads rather than hands-on managers. This did not mean, however, that the government’s upper ranks were fools. Winning in Britain’s complex political battles and emerging victorious from elections required real competence. What most of them lacked was governing experience. Typically, after taking office, a prime minister relied on a professional team to provide crash-course instruction, and day-to-day administration was handled with the support of advisers. The quality of this arrangement could be seen in the number of strange policies enacted during a prime minister’s tenure. In general, the weaker the prime minister’s personal capability, the larger the appetite of the interest groups behind them, and the more chaotic the resulting policies. For those with strong learning ability or prior exposure to governance, breaking free from the adviser circle dominated by interest groups was entirely possible. Anyone who wished to do real work had to free themselves from dependence on the adviser network and step outside the boundaries drawn by those groups. Of course, all of this only applied after winning office. Ordinary politicians in the opposition had no exposure to administrative knowledge and therefore no reason to think about such matters. This was also why political dynasties had an inherent advantage. From the outset, their frame of reference was simply on a different level. In the eyes of most Britons, nothing had changed. The Royal Navy still reigned supreme across the seas, and the British Empire still seemed to stand at its zenith. The rise of the Holy Roman Empire was viewed as a nuisance, nothing more. As long as the Royal Navy existed, Britain feared no enemy. Deeper issues such as disparities in national strength, industrial capacity, or population were far outside the public’s understanding. It was not for lack of “informed voices” trying to educate the public, but Britain was at the height of its glory. People were immersed in the brilliance of an empire on which the sun never set and had no desire to confront the shadow of an impending crisis. Ignorance bred fearlessness. Since most people did not understand the widening power gap, they still believed Britain was the same indomitable empire of old, so there was no pressure to reassess reality. Foreign Secretary Adam broke the silence, “There’s no indication that any of our actual war preparations were leaked. If they had, the opposition would already be pouncing, and things outside would not be this calm. From how events are unfolding, it’s more likely someone inferred our intentions to go to war with the Holy Roman Empire from the current international situation. Or the Holy Roman government sensed what we were planning and deliberately let something slip to disrupt our strategic timing. The opposition is merely exploiting the moment, using the press to stir the pot. If they had genuine evidence that we were planning a war, they would already be filing motions in Parliament. In some sense, the situation does offer us an advantage. Now that tensions between us and the Holy Roman Empire are public, we can start promoting the narrative of a growing threat, preparing public opinion for what lies ahead. As of now, the Foreign Office has already received inquiries from several European governments, along with a peace initiative led by the Netherlands. On the surface, these countries want to prevent conflict. At a deeper level, their real concern is the Holy Roman Empire’s growing power. Remember that during the European War, Vienna rallied support and formed an anti-French coalition with almost no effort.” Adam’s tone was confident, but beneath it he was deeply unsettled. Regardless of who released the information, the damage was done. The moment the other side sensed danger, they would heighten their vigilance, increasing the risks for Britain at every step. The strategic picture had already been difficult. Britain had been struggling to devise a way to lure out the main force of the Holy Roman Empire’s navy. Now that the enemy was clearly on alert, the prospect became even more remote. Without the ability to cripple the Holy Roman Empire’s fleet at the opening of hostilities, Britain’s envisioned blitzkrieg was effectively dead. Once the war dragged on, Britain’s comfortable position evaporated. The European market, the economic anchor of the empire, would be lost almost immediately. The reactions across Europe underscored the stakes. Opposition to a war between the two powers was not merely worrying about choosing sides, it was fear of a protracted conflict. To outsiders, the balance was straightforward: the Holy Roman Empire possessed overwhelming land power, and Britain controlled the seas. If they fought, neither side could secure a decisive victory in the short term. The Netherlands expressed the strongest alarm. Geography alone made them vulnerable but dependency on maritime trade made the situation even worse. A drawn-out duel between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire meant naval blockades, disrupted shipping lanes, and a collapse of the trade lifelines that kept small maritime economies afloat. If it were a short-term ‘friendly match’ lasting three to five months, there would be no issue, and everyone could just grit their teeth and get through it. However, if the war drags on for three to five years, countries heavily dependent on overseas trade—like the Netherlands and Portugal—would find it difficult not to collapse. Against this backdrop, everyone only had one path forward: to help one side win the war and quickly end the trade blockade. The choice was either for the European nations to collectively side with Britain and jointly bring down the Holy Roman Empire, or for everyone to follow the Holy Roman Empire’s lead, desperately build warships, and defeat the Royal Navy. Undoubtedly, no matter which side they chose, everyone would suffer heavy losses. This was especially true for a wretched country like the Netherlands, which was highly likely to become a battlefield. Even if they sided with the ‘right’ side, they would still lose money. Don’t count on war spoils to make up for losses as that is nothing more than a pie in the sky. The earlier anti-French War served as an example. Nominally, everyone received huge indemnities, but the reality was that the French government couldn’t afford to pay. No money is no money. No matter how many skills or methods you possess, the French government simply couldn’t conjure up the funds. A miserable country like Belgium would have suffered a total financial loss had it not managed to annex a piece of land from France after the war. Small countries have limited capacity and their strength cannot support their ambitions. It is estimated that the only ones likely to profit from the Anglo-Austrian War, besides the Russian government, would be the United States, thousands of miles away. For other countries, having ambition or not makes no difference. Their limited ‘stomach’ cannot handle greasy food; even if the meat is placed in their mouth, they can only smell it. As Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Adam’s personal capabilities were very strong. Unfortunately, the reality was right before his eyes, and no matter how much he could bluff, he had no confidence in bringing everyone over to his side. Of course, they could also imitate the flexible diplomatic strategy of the original timeline, allowing all countries to remain neutral and engage in overseas trade. However, this requires the cooperation of the opponent. If the Holy Roman government refuses to cooperate and insists on forcing countries to join their side, everyone will still be forced to choose a camp. Can the European nations withstand the diplomatic pressure of the Holy Roman Empire? No one can answer this question. Theoretically, if all European countries banded together to remain neutral, the Holy Roman government would have no choice but to begrudgingly accept it. But this chance is too low as not all countries possess this courage. With conflicting interests, as long as a few countries take the lead in choosing a side, the rest will be forced to follow suit. The situation is already extremely dangerous for Britain. If they mishandle the situation, then standing opposite Britain will not just be the Holy Roman Empire, but the entire European world. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Asquith, said, “Sir, the European nations are all fickle fence-sitters; their positions have never been firm. Due to geopolitical factors, our influence on the European continent simply cannot compare with that of the Holy Roman Empire. Relying purely on political means, we might not fall into a disadvantage. However, if the Holy Roman government resorts to military means and directly uses armed threats, it will be very difficult for us to compete with them. Unless we can win over Russia and Spain since only if those two countries take the lead together will the European nations potentially withstand the pressure from the Holy Roman government. Considering our relations with Russia and Spain, I do not believe we can bring them over to our side right now. If we can get them to remain neutral during the war, that will already be a blessing from God.” It wasn’t that Asquith was being pessimistic, but rather that the previous several governments had been too damaging. They only cared about their own comfort, leaving behind a disaster too massive to handle. There was no helping it as Britain’s world hegemony was established by stepping over Spain. In the Philippine Campaign ten years ago, Spain was again heavily harmed by Britain’s little brother. With old grievances and new hatred piled together, plus the sovereignty dispute over the Strait of Gibraltar, the Spanish government would have to be collectively insane to side with them. Anglo-Russian relations go without saying. The India Question is an insoluble knot between the two sides. The current Russo-Japanese War only adds new hatred on top of the old enmity. Even if the Russian government is extremely wary of the Holy Roman Empire, asking them to smash the pots and sell the iron to aid Britain is still impossible. With no one to take the lead, the European nations, accustomed to being fickle fence-sitters, naturally couldn’t jump out and directly oppose the Holy Roman Empire. Of course, there is still the Nordic Federation that could be persuaded and they even have the strength to remain neutral. Unfortunately, their political appeal is limited. They cannot be the main leader and certainly dare not assume that role. Since they cannot rely on the European world—as no one is willing to be their henchmen at this time—winning the war against the Holy Roman Empire will naturally be extremely difficult. ... In the end, wars must be fought by the military. Campbell could only pretend not to hear the complaints of the civilian officials. The arrow is now on the bowstring and must be shot. Just because the war is difficult and hard to win, does that mean they can stop fighting it? If they were to halt their preparations for war now, the Holy Roman government would likely go mad with joy. Without doing a thing, if they simply drag it out for a decade or two, hegemony will be handed to them. “What is the Admiralty’s plan?” If strategy is insufficient, then tactics must compensate. Since they cannot compete with overall national strength, they can only rely on the Royal Navy to rise up and continue creating miracles for Britain. The First Lord of the Admiralty, Swinton, picked up a pointer, walked over to the hanging world map, and said, “Although the main force of the Holy Roman Empire’s navy is tucked away in the Mediterranean, they still maintain several squadrons overseas. Though these fleets have few capital ships, their total tonnage is not low, accounting for nearly forty percent of the Holy Roman Navy’s total tonnage. Since we cannot lure the enemy’s main force into a decisive battle, the Admiralty plans to first resolve these overseas troubles. The other small squadrons are hardly worth mentioning and the main concerns are the Austrian Southeast Asian Fleet and the Central American Fleet. Not only do they use dreadnoughts as flagships, but the majority of their auxiliary warships are also modern vessels. These warships share one common feature: they are fast. Clearly, the enemy was prepared for this. They intend to use these high-speed warships to attack our merchant vessels after the war breaks out. We plan to attack these two enemy squadrons immediately after the war begins, eliminating the threat to our trade routes in advance. The Japanese have done well in this regard, successfully carrying out surprise attacks against Spain, the Qing Dynasty, and Russia. We can fully imitate their actions.” Integrity was not a factor. As long as it could win the war, Swinton did not mind breaking convention this one time. After all, history is written by the victors. As long as they defeat the Holy Roman Empire, all rule-breaking behavior can be whitewashed. Attacking and eliminating the enemy’s squadrons first is far better than waiting for the war to start and letting the enemy attack their merchant ships. The Royal Navy, which started out as pirates, was too familiar with these kinds of operations. A quick look was enough for Swinton to understand the Holy Roman government’s plan. If they allowed this to proceed unchecked, Britain’s maritime trade routes would likely suffer heavy losses the moment the war erupted.
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