Now, the First Lord of the Admiralty, Swindin, said, “The Russians cannot possibly purchase such a massive fleet. The Russo-Austrian Naval Agreement is only a cover. The Austrians’ real target is us. The Empire must take countermeasures and use absolute strength to crush their unrealistic ambitions.” This was an open secret, and anyone with clear eyes could see it. To deal with the Japanese Navy, two super battleships would already be enough to serve as the main force. The Holy Roman Navy was not small to begin with, and if they added thirteen super battleships, the Royal Navy would lose its advantage. Paper strength did not equal real combat power, but the Royal Navy could not afford to gamble. No one could guarantee that once the balance was broken, the Holy Roman Empire would not strike first. Although the Austrian government kept proclaiming its “love of peace,” and Emperor Franz had promised the outside world that he would never start a war, such assurances could never withstand temptation. If he had never broken his word, it only meant that the benefit was not large enough. If they truly wanted to start a war, would they ever lack a reason? The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Asquith, said, “Countermeasures are necessary, but how can we be certain that the enemy is really building ships? In past years, our shipbuilding schedule was repeatedly disrupted because the enemy deliberately released false information. A large number of ships appearing at the same time may seem to lower construction costs, but in reality, it comes at the expense of performance optimization and higher maintenance expenses. Once or twice is fine, but after many times, the overall performance of our fleet ends up being dragged down by this despicable tactic. If we cannot change this passive situation, we will continue being led by the nose, and sooner or later we will have to pay the price.” There was no way around it. With Franz as an opponent who valued intelligence so highly, the Holy Roman Empire kept constant watch over its shipyards. With the information they managed to gather, they could only make rough estimates. Understanding the core details was nearly impossible. Even infiltration was useless. The Holy Roman Empire had more than a dozen shipyards capable of building large warships. Unless they had people placed in key positions in all of them, intelligence would always be incomplete. Britain had plenty of talented people, but not enough to send dozens of senior engineers to go undercover. Ordinary intelligence agents would not get the real specifications either, even if they somehow rose into management. Most of the time, intelligence was collected through indirect or borderline methods and then analyzed. Unfortunately, all of that could be faked. Before a ship hit the water, no one could be certain whether it was a merchant ship or a warship. There had been many such deceptions over the years. Because of inaccurate intelligence, the British government often misjudged the situation. Of course, inaccurate intelligence was a two-way problem. Britain could not figure out the Holy Roman Empire’s shipbuilding progress, and they could also not determine the parameters of British warships. The main reason Britain ended up passive was simply that they were the defending champion, and almost everything they did was exposed to the world. As the challenger, it did not matter much if the Holy Roman Navy had a few more or a few fewer ships, since they were not on par with the Royal Navy anyway. But the British situation was different. They needed to ensure that the Royal Navy maintained a complete advantage. Any moment spent at a disadvantage could provide the enemy with an opportunity. In this context, even when the British government suspected they were walking into a trap, they often had no choice but to push forward. But being fooled once or twice was acceptable. Being fooled repeatedly would not be. Those who understood knew the government was acting out of necessity. But in this world, people who truly understood were always the minority. Most people did not. Public criticism was one thing, but the real trouble came from Parliament. Many members believed that these repeated mistakes were fabricated by the Royal Navy to secure more shipbuilding funds. These pressures fell not only on the military but even more heavily on the Treasury, which was constantly accused of wasting taxpayers’ money. Home Secretary Azevedo explained, “There is nothing we can do. The Austrians have locked down information so tightly that our people cannot get anywhere near the shipyards. Even if we bribe shipyard workers, the enemy can still build merchant ships following warship construction standards. Before the hull is fully shaped, they can change the purpose at any time. Unless we delay our decisions by several months each time, misjudgments are inevitable.” Changing the purpose before the hull was shaped was already difficult enough to detect, but even after the main structure was completed, the ship could still be modified. The high cost of warships did not lie only in construction. The real burden came from the enormous maintenance expenses that followed. Merchant ships were different. They could generate value on their own. Under such conditions, when the Holy Roman Empire spent money on strategic deception, Britain paid ten times the cost if it chose to follow their lead. It reached the point where the British government now only focused on the super battleships. Other small warships were simply ignored and built at their own pace. Naturally, the British government was furious about this disadvantageous situation. If the main forces of the Holy Roman Navy were not hiding comfortably in the Mediterranean like local overlords, Britain would have already taken action. But reality was harsh. The Holy Roman Navy seemed determined to stay within its comfort zone. Provoking them was risky. Their navy might remain inactive, but their army was more aggressive than anyone else. Britain held the Holy Roman Empire’s weak point, but the Holy Roman Empire held Britain’s weakness as well. If conflict truly broke out, the most likely result would be mutual ruin. Politicians were practical people. When life was good, no one wanted to gamble everything on a risky venture. Prime Minister Campbell let out a sigh as he said, “It is impossible to wait several months until everything is confirmed before making a decision. The Holy Roman Empire is not an ordinary enemy. Their industrial capacity is incredibly strong. If they discover a gap in our response and start building a dozen super battleships at once, exploiting the time difference, we will regret it beyond measure. Let us prepare first and have the intelligence personnel verify as much as they can. If nothing suspicious is found, we must finalize our shipbuilding plan as soon as possible. Things are not entirely hopeless. While we cannot be certain whether the Austrians are playing tricks, there is also good news. The Russo-Japanese War has already broken out. The threat from India is temporarily lifted. With such an excellent chance to weaken Russia, I do not believe the Austrian government will remain unmoved. Franz may swear publicly that he will fully support his ally, but that is only talk. Look at the past few decades. In all the wars Russia fought abroad, when did the Austrians ever fail to appear in some form, and when did they ever truly give their full support? The Holy Roman Empire has little interest in the Far East. Yet the enthusiasm the Austrian government has shown far exceeds what an ally would normally display. Something is clearly wrong. The Russians are not fools. It is only a matter of time before they realize it. If Russia suffers heavy losses because the support from the Holy Roman Empire is insufficient, the two countries will inevitably drift apart. If we seize the opportunity and manipulate the situation, there is a real chance of turning them against each other. The Foreign Office must prepare to court the Russians. We need powerful allies now.” The comparison was startling. Britain’s shipbuilding industry was advanced, but the number of large shipyards was still limited, and those capable of constructing capital ships were even fewer. If both sides pushed their production capacity to the limit, Britain would not hold the advantage. The industrial gap between them and the Holy Roman Empire was simply too wide. No one knew where the Holy Roman Empire’s upper limit truly lay. Before they realized it, Britain had already maneuvered itself into a deeply awkward position. They understood the crisis, yet life had to go on. Whether its hegemony would fall would ultimately be decided on the battlefield. “Flowers do not bloom for a hundred days, and no one remains favored for a thousand.” As the situation grew increasingly severe, all the British government could do was prolong Britain’s glory as much as possible and ensure that honor did not fall in their own hands. Even so, the outlook was unfavorable, but the strength of the British Empire remained formidable. Britain was far from reaching the point where its resources were exhausted. The greatest reason for its strategic disadvantage was the absence of a powerful enforcer on the European continent, making it difficult to rally a broad anti-Holy Roman Empire coalition. France was no longer reliable. Russia had become Britain’s only hope. Yet even this “hope” was not dependable. Even if an alliance could be formed, the risk of being dragged down or betrayed remained high. But when choosing among weak partners, Britain could only settle for the least unreliable one. For all its flaws, Russia was still far more useful than the fickle powers scattered across the continent. With Britain and Russia taking the lead, the foundation for an anti-Holy Roman Empire coalition could finally take shape. Together with the United States, Japan, Chile, Colombia, and others, such a lineup would be strong enough. Even if they could not crush the Holy Roman Empire, they could at least preserve Britain’s supremacy for many years. At the very least, their generation would be able to maintain imperial dominance. Foreign Secretary Adam Wingard said, “Do not worry, Prime Minister. We have done everything that can be done. The Foreign Office has already conveyed goodwill to the Russians through third parties, but the Russian government refuses to acknowledge it. They still have illusions about the Holy Roman Empire, especially after receiving loans from the Austrian government. Now they care even less about us. Changing the Russian government’s political stance is not something that can be done overnight. Hopefully this war will wake them up.” His words were filled with complaint, yet the smile on his face showed clearly that Wingard was not actually upset. Britain and Russia had always been enemies. Now Britain was openly supporting Japan, Russia’s opponent. As long as the Russian government retained basic sense, it knew exactly where its interests lay. Attempting reconciliation under such circumstances was not Wingard’s naivete, nor self-inflicted suffering. From the start, the British government never believed that so-called goodwill would soften Russia’s attitude. Passing messages through intermediaries mainly served to notify the Russians that, aside from the Holy Roman Empire, they had another option. They did not have to follow the Holy Roman Empire blindly down a single path. Turning an enemy into a friend has never been easy. It is the same for nations as it is for people. It requires the right time, the right place, and the right political environment. For now, the British Foreign Office had merely planted a seed in the minds of Russia’s leadership. Whether it would one day take root would depend entirely on how future events unfolded. … While the British were taking action, the Austrian government was not idle either. Although it did not go around forging new alliances, it worked to strengthen and solidify its ties with its existing allies. Using Britain’s unilateral disruption of free trade as grounds for sanctions, the Austrian government convened the third World Economic Summit in Vienna on April 26, 1904. The event was grand, but the word “world” felt increasingly hollow. Aside from the European states, which sent high-ranking representatives, most other countries merely attended in name. Each nation demonstrated just how well they could play the role of “fence-sitters.” No one was truly angry, because this was expected. In a world governed by the law of the strong, small countries were always at risk. Every time they took a side, they were gambling with their own fate. If they refused to bend with the wind, they would end up buried in the ground. For the sake of survival, they could only cling to the powerful. The mere act of sending delegates to the summit was already a gesture of respect. Those who sent prominent figures could essentially be considered aligned with the Holy Roman Empire. In many ways, this Vienna Economic Summit was another demonstration of geopolitical reality. European states supported the Holy Roman Empire partly because they believed it would prevail, but mostly because they had no alternative. If they refused to attend and were mistaken for Britain’s accomplices, they risked being sanctioned along with it. And that was the optimistic scenario. The real fear was that, before the struggle for hegemony even erupted, the Austrian government might “clear the field” and deal with them first. Offending Britain was unfortunate, but unavoidable. Those countries could only look for ways to make amends afterward. If Franz’s guess was correct, while the official delegations departed for Vienna, secret envoys quietly made their way to London as well. Everyone understood what was happening, but there were times when it was wiser to pretend otherwise. Balancing interests was human nature, and all of this maneuvering was simply for survival. Franz never expected too much from these allies anyway. As long as they could cheer during ordinary times and refrain from causing trouble at decisive moments, that was more than sufficient. The contest for supremacy had to be fought by the Holy Roman Empire itself. Even if victory could be achieved through allies, the foundation of its dominance would not be secure. When friends come to visit, you have to receive them. Franz was fine; as the elder statesman of Europe’s monarchs, he enjoyed enough privileges. Showing up briefly at the welcome banquet was already giving everyone plenty of face, and no one expected more. Frederick, by contrast, was having a rough time. As the imperial crown prince, he naturally became the center of attention wherever he went, with groups of people constantly gathering around him. To make matters worse, he could not simply brush off these uninvited guests. He had no choice but to force himself to go out and mingle. Looking at his somewhat exhausted son, Franz did not know what to say. It seemed that back then he too had experienced something similar. Actually, no, that comparison did not work. The situation had been completely different, because Franz had ascended the throne the moment he came of age. Being an emperor was not the same as being a crown prince. The difference in status meant that the way they handled things was different as well. “If you can decline some of the social engagements, then decline them. There is no need to attend every banquet. If you really cannot refuse because of the circumstances, then let a few of your cousins handle it. You do not need to shoulder everything yourself.” To be fair, Franz was partly responsible for Frederick’s exhaustion. If he had not sent his other sons overseas, Frederick would not have ended up working himself to the bone. These “cousins” were also legitimate members of the House of Habsburg, but their status was still not quite the same. The significance they represented was different. You could see it just from their titles. An emperor’s son would always have the rank of archduke, even if he was not the heir. But the son of an archduke was not necessarily an archduke himself. After the completion of the aristocratic reform, some nephews who had not yet been fully “polished” might only hold the title of “lord”. Of course, the aristocracy cared about more than titles. What mattered most was the family name behind them. Sending those younger ones to handle things might seem a bit disrespectful, but Franz believed that anyone who came as a friend would not mind such a small imperfection. Sensing a hint of reproach, Frederick explained, “I understand, Father. I will be more careful. It is just that several old friends I have not seen for many years arrived, so my time spent entertaining them increased a little.” When Franz heard the word “friend,” he suddenly felt uncomfortable. After living in this world for so many years, he had gained everything except friends. There was no helping it. The world of monarchs was lonely. In his youth, Franz had been unusually mature, unable to fit in with those his own age. While everyone else was still studying and playing around, he had already become emperor. The difference in status only increased the distance between them. As for the older generation, there was nothing to say. All of them were old foxes. Whenever they were together, they had to guard against each other’s schemes. Friendship was out of the question. There were gains and losses in everything. Nothing in this world was perfect. If Frederick had not brought it up, Franz might have forgotten what the word “friend” even meant. Snapping out of his thoughts, Franz waved his hand and said, “It is enough that you understand the situation. This economic summit is just a formality. If we can sign a few agreements, that is good. If negotiations fail, do not force it. The next major task is shipbuilding. Even though we released false information, it will not fool anyone for long. Soon it will become a race with the British. Whoever gets their warships into service first will gain the initiative in the coming struggle for hegemony. Keep a close eye on the shipyards. Speed up progress as much as possible without compromising quality.” To compete for naval supremacy, they would naturally have to produce ships like dumplings dropped into boiling water. The major shipyards of the Holy Roman Empire were already in full operation. With such large movements, secrecy was impossible, and Franz had never expected to hide it. Releasing a smokescreen to confuse the British was mainly meant to give the British Parliament something to argue about. With truth and falsehood mixed together and several different figures for shipbuilding floating around, no matter which version the British chose to believe, they would still spend a few days debating it. Making an immediate decision simply did not fit Britain’s political nature. Even if the government managed to reach an agreement, Parliament would still have to quarrel over it. For the Holy Roman Empire, which was trying to seize every possible moment, each day was critical. Every extra day gained increased the navy’s chances of success.
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