While the British forces were still struggling on the Afghan front, the outcome in Central Asia had already been decided. The Russians proved with their strength that they were still the formidable steamroller of Europe. Of course, this victory was something the Russian government proclaimed. As for the true situation, the outside world remained in the dark. What could be confirmed, however, was that Russian troops had indeed defeated the main forces of the three Central Asian khanates and had seized the initiative on the battlefield. Whether they would become bogged down in a sea of people’s war, only the Russians themselves knew. Franz was paying close attention to the situation in Central Asia, but he did not dispatch anyone to gather intelligence on the ground. Most of the information held by the Austrian government came from what the British and Russians had chosen to release. It was a very sensitive time. If Austria became too involved, it would easily be misinterpreted by both Britain and Russia as having ambitions in Central Asia. “How far along are the Russians in their preparations for war? When can they begin their offensive toward the Afghan region?” In fact, the Russian government had already begun preparations a year earlier. However, their objective at the time had only been to seize part of Central Asia. Afghanistan had not been included in their plans at all. Their highest aim had been to support a puppet regime to serve as a buffer between Britain and Russia. But as the battlefield progressed smoothly and the British forces performed poorly, Russian expectations grew. Now, they intended to swallow the Afghan region entirely. Against this backdrop, their original preparations had become inadequate. About three months ago, Alexander III issued a nationwide order for war readiness. This was “national war readiness,” not “national mobilization.” The terrain of the Afghan region limited how many troops both sides could deploy. As long as supplies were sufficient, that would be enough. A force of only several hundred thousand did not require Russia to mobilize the entire country. Foreign Minister Wessenberg remarked, “This is only a limited war. Theoretically, after all this time, the Russians should have completed their preparations. However, based on what we’ve seen regarding troop movements, logistics, and railway transport, it appears they still need some time to coordinate everything.” War is the ultimate test of a government’s organizational capability, and Franz had no confidence in the Russian bureaucracy. Confusion was inevitable. Preparing for war did not simply mean producing supplies. More importantly, those supplies had to be delivered into the hands of the front-line troops to be of real use. In the original timeline, World War I was a peak example of Russian bureaucratic dysfunction. While soldiers starved on the front lines, food supplies rotted in warehouses in the rear. Similar events had occurred in both of the Russo-Prussian wars. In fact, it had been the Russian bureaucracy that doomed their forces in the first of those wars. “Oh, by the way, British newspapers published a report yesterday claiming that Russian forces had massacred civilians in a Central Asian city, allegedly with photos as evidence. If that report is true, then the situation in Central Asia is clearly not as peaceful as the Russian government claims.” Franz frowned upon hearing of a “massacre.” In the late 19th century, such events had become rare around the world. However, given the conduct of Russian forces, it was not exactly surprising if a few massacres had taken place. After all, the three Central Asian khanates were seen as traitors, and the Russians were bound to exact revenge on traitors. If this news had come from any other source than Britain, it might have been more credible. But British credibility was notoriously low. Even if they had photos, those could still be faked. It was simply a matter of putting the right uniform on someone. If the political need was there, Franz had no doubt that John Bull would do it. While the massacre of natives was not considered a major scandal in this era, it could still damage a country’s reputation. At a time when war between Britain and Russia was on the verge of breaking out, whichever side had the better international image would find it easier to gain public support from the global community. After a brief moment of thought, Franz said sternly, “Send someone to verify the authenticity of this report as soon as possible. The propaganda department should prepare to manage public opinion. We must ensure the massacre incident doesn’t affect us.” Austria and Russia were allies. If the massacre were confirmed, Austria would inevitably come under criticism alongside Russia. International criticism could be tolerated, as Franz had no real way to control it. But domestic opinion had to be strictly managed. There could be no instance of public sentiment dictating government policy. Throughout the entire situation, Franz’s primary concern was Austria itself. As for Russia’s problems, were they even worth calling problems? If it weren’t beyond his reach, he might even have supported the Central Asian people’s resistance as a concerned humanitarian. … Saint Petersburg “The British are going all out to smear our reputation internationally. How do you propose we respond?” From his tone, it was clear that Alexander III did not take the issue very seriously. Being denounced was nothing new. The Russian Empire had long been the target of international scorn. Europe had been criticizing Russia for centuries, and life went on as usual. In Alexander’s view, whether the Russian army had committed massacres in Central Asia or not didn’t really matter. Russia’s image in Europe was already that of a barbaric empire. That wasn’t something that could be changed with a few clever words. Massacres by barbarians were seen as business as usual. If the Russian army had refrained from any excesses, now that would have seemed suspicious. Foreign Minister Nikolay de Giers replied, “Your Majesty, the massacre reported by the British allegedly occurred in Central Asia, and the victims were all native infidels. The European public likely won’t pay too much attention. If we respond with a direct denial, we’ll be falling into Britain’s trap. No matter how much evidence we provide, people will believe what they want to believe. It would be better to turn the tables. Since the British accuse us of committing massacres in Central Asia, we can expose their atrocities in Afghanistan and India. If that’s still not enough to deflect the pressure, then let’s dig up old scandals and drag every other colonial empire down with us. That will help divert international scrutiny.” Other countries might have grounds to criticize Russian atrocities, but Britain certainly did not. Their conduct in Afghanistan wasn’t any better than what they were accusing Russia of. In this era of competing atrocities, no one was innocent. Every colonial empire had been built atop mountains of corpses, without exception. Recent years had seen fewer reports of massacres, but that didn’t mean they weren’t happening. People had simply learned to be discreet. While the frequency may have declined, killings in the colonies were still common. Alexander III nodded. Denying everything was pointless. Everyone knew the truth about the discipline of the Russian army. Perhaps it wasn’t as extreme as full-blown massacres, but killing civilians was nothing out of the ordinary, and the Russian government had long turned a blind eye. From the moment the three Central Asian khanates turned on Russia, the Russian government had decided to take revenge. The army was simply carrying out this policy. “The matter of public opinion is minor. It won’t affect the coming war. What matters now is the situation in Central Asia. Marshal Ivanov, how much longer does the army need to stabilize the region before launching the next phase of operations?” Though not one for detail, Alexander III still recognized that the situation in Central Asia was unstable. The Russian army wasn’t insane. They only took extreme measures when social order had collapsed. Under normal circumstances, they would simply loot for wealth and women. Without sufficient incentives, they had no reason to resort to massacres. Marshal Ivanov, who had been trying to keep a low profile, realized there was no avoiding the question. He braced himself and replied, “Your Majesty, given the current situation, I cannot give a precise timeline. The Central Asian region is vast. Although we have defeated the enemy’s main forces, many scattered remnants continue to wreak havoc across the land. It is difficult to locate and eliminate them in a short time. The Ministry of War plans to first secure certain key areas, establish a safe passage into Afghanistan, and only after taking the Afghan region will we return to deal with the stragglers.” This was the truth. Central Asia spanned several million square kilometers, far too much for a force of several hundred thousand to fully control. Truly stabilizing the region would take years, and what the Russian Empire lacked most was time. The British had already taken control of Afghanistan. Although resistance still existed, no one could predict how long it would last. If the British succeeded in wiping out the guerrillas and entrenching their position, retaking Afghanistan would become much more difficult. After thinking for a moment, Alexander III slowly said, “Let it be done as planned. But the army must pick up the pace. We cannot afford to miss this opportunity.”
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH)
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