Explanation was merely a form of concealment. No matter how well-reasoned the arguments sounded, they could not hide the fact that American combat effectiveness was inadequate. Repeatedly stressing how powerful the enemy was amounted to nothing more than finding excuses for defeat. Yet without excuses, someone would have to shoulder the blame. Even if one wished to display a sense of responsibility, this was absolutely not the moment to do so. No one had anticipated that the situation would develop to this point. Before launching the offensive, Roosevelt could never have imagined that the seven nations of the Oceanic Alliance would fail even to seize the enemy’s colonies. A glance through the history books made one thing clear. The vast territory of the United States had been taken from colonial empires. Every one of those countries had once been stronger than the United States, yet because of geography, the ultimate victor had always been the United States. Now the British were still holding the line at the front, cutting off the connection between the enemy and its colonies. This should have been the best possible opportunity. With multiple countries acting together, failure should have been impossible. Yet the supposedly foolproof plan ended in defeat. Unlike previous territorial struggles, this time the enemy proved exceptionally ruthless. Running into a setback in Cuba could have been tolerated. After all, the enemy’s forces there were limited, and with enough time, victory might still have been achieved through attrition. The real trouble lay in Austrian Central America. The immigrants there were like hedgehogs, bristling with spikes at the slightest touch. The moment any intention to invade became apparent, before the joint forces had even finished assembling, the enemy struck first. Mexico and Colombia, the two allied states, were already being ground into the dirt by the enemy. If the United States did not intervene soon, they would be forced to surrender. As for the other allies, only the three major South American countries possessed any real fighting capability. Even so, in Roosevelt’s view, the label of “major powers” was greatly inflated and had little to do with actual strength. Argentina and Chile joining forces could not even deal with Bogotania, a country with a population of barely one million. By what standard could they be called strong? Most importantly, unless this nail was pulled out and the rear stabilized, neither country could send troops to reinforce Colombia. As for the allies who merely went through the motions, they could be ignored altogether. Even the tens of thousands of reinforcements dispatched by Brazil were simply not enough to keep the Republic of Colombia alive. Against this backdrop, the United States would have to divide its forces into three directions, simultaneously reinforcing Colombia and Mexico while also seizing Cuba. Such a heavy burden was clearly beyond what the military could bear. Unless it resorted to a war of attrition and relied on its advantage in national strength to slowly grind the enemy down, there was truly no visible path to victory. Reality, however, was cruel. As the war dragged on, the international situation grew increasingly unfavorable to the Oceanic Alliance. Countries that had originally leaned toward the Holy Roman Empire were already beginning to stir. If Britain were to suffer another defeat, those states would likely enter the war themselves. Whether other countries joined the fighting might not matter much, but the neighboring bloc of alliance states could not be ignored. Although the British had used economic means to bind those states and keep them neutral, politics was inherently fickle and could reverse at any time. Pulling out nails was difficult enough as it was. If a whole new group of enemies were added, the subsequent fighting would become impossible to manage. By now, regret was pointless. Political slogans had already been shouted, American ambitions had been exposed, and the Holy Roman government was even less likely to let the United States off the hook. “The Americas for the Americans” could just as well be understood as “the Americas for the United States.” If this goal were achieved, Theodore Roosevelt would, as in the original timeline, become one of the greatest presidents in American history. Unfortunately, the campaign began badly and suffered a heavy blow at the outset. Yet having reached this point, there was no choice but to grit one’s teeth and continue fighting. Even if victory proved unattainable, the United States still had to prove its strength on the battlefield and ensure that the enemy would not dare to treat it with contempt. There was no need to reach the level of the world’s top powers. As long as American forces demonstrated the combat effectiveness of a second or third-tier state, the Holy Roman government would have to think twice when settling accounts after the war. … In the English Channel, with the launch of Operation Sea Lion, the main naval forces of all Continental Alliance countries converged on the area. More than one hundred and eighty warships of all sizes gathered together, forming a truly magnificent sight. Most imposing of all were the thirty-six super battleships at the head of the formation, their presence overwhelming. If the British could launch a surprise attack and destroy the fleet before them, the Continental Alliance would be unable to recover for at least five years. Just by looking at the planes circling overhead, it was obvious that without first eliminating the eyes in the sky, any attempt at a surprise attack was doomed to fail. One could think about it all one liked. Air power was Britain’s weak point. Whether in flight altitude, speed, or maneuverability, British aircraft lagged an entire generation behind. Such backwardness across the entire industrial system was not something that could be corrected overnight. No matter how much investment was poured in, time was still required. On the open sea, without air superiority, there was only one outcome: being ambushed. A glance at the Royal Navy made this clear. With war on the brink of eruption, the Royal Navy still hesitated to enter the fray. The English Channel was not short of fine harbors, but the problem was that these ports lay within the enemy’s bombing range. Going there at such a moment would be like a lamb walking into a tiger’s jaws. Once the navies of the Continental Alliance had fully assembled, the Royal Navy no longer held a clear advantage. If it were then subjected to enemy air attacks, there would be no fight left to speak of. The Battle of Malacca was a textbook example. The enemy first used aircraft to cripple warships, and only then did its navy move in to finish the job, easily securing victory. Having suffered a setback, they learned their lesson. Drawing on that experience, the Royal Navy decisively chose to keep its distance from Holy Roman air power. In peacetime, avoidance was possible. Now, with the enemy preparing to land on the British Isles, continued evasion would mean losing the homeland itself. As First Lord of the Admiralty, Swinton was under immense pressure, terrified that a single misstep might bury the Royal Navy and make him a sinner in the eyes of Britain. Of course, he was not the only one feeling this pressure. Every senior figure in the British government was now bearing the weight of extreme strain. Like the moment before a storm broke, the air was thick with oppression, so stifling it was almost impossible to breathe. … “According to the intelligence we have gathered, the enemy has already successfully gathered its forces and will launch an offensive against us in the near future. The moment of trial for the British Empire has arrived. Although we suffered defeat in previous wars, we will never submit. We will fight to the very end. Unlike any campaign before, our available manpower is unprecedented. Forty million British citizens stand behind us as our strongest support. The enemy’s decision to attack the British Isles is, in itself, a grave mistake. Here, we possess…” - April 27, 1905, Prime Minister Campbell, Declaration on the Defense of Britain Whether a country or a nation is truly great can be judged by its conduct in moments of crisis. Britain’s ability to rise above countless rivals and dominate the world was never without reason. As the situation continued to deteriorate, and perhaps as the sense of danger became unmistakable, the internal struggles within the British government gradually eased. The opposition parties continued to criticize the government, but their attacks remained largely rhetorical. In practical terms, they had already abandoned obstructionist tactics. Through relentless media coverage, from the royal family and aristocracy down to ordinary British citizens, everyone understood what this war truly meant. Under the pressure of the Continental Alliance, the British Empire’s war machine was finally operating at full capacity. Yet just as internal unity was achieved, Prime Minister Campbell felt no joy whatsoever. If given a choice, he would rather not have obtained such unity under the shadow of an enemy threat. “United as one, invincible in battle” was merely a political slogan. In reality, it was strength that determined the outcome of war. For the British Empire, the situation had already worsened beyond control. Even if the Defense of Britain were won, it would only avert national collapse temporarily. True victory in the war remained a distant prospect. Secretary of War Marcus stated, “In order to intercept an enemy landing, we have deployed one million troops along the English Channel coastline, with another five hundred thousand mobile troops in reserve, ready to reinforce at any time. In addition, we have organized one million militia members to handle logistical transport. If the situation becomes critical, they can also be committed to combat. However, this represents the worst-case scenario. If at all possible, we must stop the enemy outside the British Isles. Once the flames of war reach the homeland, even if we annihilate the enemy completely, we will still have lost.” It was clear that the army had truly done everything within its power. Since the outbreak of the war, the army had successively dispatched reinforcements of five hundred thousand troops to India, one hundred fifty thousand to the Cape of Good Hope, and fifty thousand to the Indochinese Peninsula. To maintain stability in Ireland and Scotland, a total of one hundred eighty thousand troops were also stationed across the two regions. With a population of forty million, mobilizing forces on this scale meant that Britain had genuinely exhausted every available resource. This was especially significant given that within those forty million people were three and a half million Scots and four million four hundred thousand Irish. The Scots were manageable. Despite existing frictions, they generally still identified with Britain as a whole. Ireland was a different matter entirely. Over the past half century, the Irish had been treated harshly. The local population had fallen from eight million two hundred thousand in the mid-nineteenth century to just four million four hundred thousand, leaving deep resentment simmering beneath the surface. Fortunately, Ireland’s geographic position lay far to the rear. Otherwise, if the enemy had landed there, collaborators would have been everywhere. As a precaution, conscripted Irish and Scottish soldiers were largely assigned to colonial postings. By removing large numbers of young and able-bodied men, local conditions temporarily stabilized. However, expecting these regions to actively contribute to the war effort was unrealistic. Even after doing everything possible, Marcus remained uneasy. The enemy represented the entire European continent. Asking the redcoats to face such overwhelming opposition alone was an almost impossible task. “The navy is also prepared and ready to fight for the Empire at any moment. We are filled with confidence in victory, and final triumph will undoubtedly belong to Great Britain. However, the enemy’s air superiority cannot be underestimated. Before the decisive battle begins, it would be best to defeat their air forces first, or at the very least, keep them tied down.” They shouted the loudest slogans while taking the most cautious actions. It was not that Swinton lacked courage. The reality was that this war was genuinely difficult. When combined, the navies of the Continental Alliance were not inferior to the Royal Navy, whether in the number of capital ships or in total tonnage. Had the enemy not been a multinational coalition incapable of fully unified command, the Royal Navy would have had little chance at all. What few advantages remained were further erased by the enemy’s dominance in the air. As a result, the Royal Navy hesitated to enter the battlefield, deliberately waiting until the final moment in order to reduce the risk of aerial attack. Both the army and the navy had plenty of excuses to fall back on. The air force, however, was left in an awkward position. There was simply no way to shirk responsibility. With the situation having deteriorated to this point, one of the core reasons was the air force’s poor performance. It was even worse than the original timeline. At the very least, during the Second World War, British aircraft were not inferior to German ones, and they still had the Americans acting as a steady source of support. Now, constrained by industrial capacity, aircraft produced at home lagged far behind in performance. As for planes manufactured in the United States, they were only suitable for routine training. Sending them into decisive combat would be nothing more than feeding lives to the enemy. The air force wanted to rise to the occasion, but reality simply would not allow it. After swallowing their pride and quietly building strength for several months, they had only just reached a barely respectable scale, and already they were facing a brutal fight. With no real confidence, Air Secretary Attilio naturally dared not make any guarantees. After all, while Britain was accumulating strength, the enemy had not been idle either. Comparing the aviation industries of the two sides made the gap painfully clear. For every fighter Britain produced, the Holy Roman Empire could roll out four or five. With the Continental Alliance added on top, the disparity only grew wider. As for copying Japan and recruiting suicide pilot units, that was nothing but a joke. After great effort, barely a dozen volunteers signed up, and before they ever saw combat, one withdrew after another. There was no helping it. Britain lacked a social atmosphere that glorified dying for honor. Unless someone was acting on a moment of hot blood, once they calmed down, no one was willing to take on a mission with almost no chance of survival. If such a plan were ever to be implemented, it would have to wait for a true crisis moment, when hot-blooded youths could be stirred up and sent straight into battle before hesitation set in. After hesitating again and again, Attilio finally spoke through clenched teeth, “After several months of effort, the air force has accumulated three thousand fighters and five hundred bombers… Once the defense of the British Isles begins, we will do everything in our power to tie down the enemy’s air force and create opportunities for the navy. Unless we are completely wiped out, we will absolutely not allow the enemy’s air force to interfere in the decisive naval battle!” Forced into making this decision, Attilio felt as if his heart were bleeding. But there was no alternative. If the air force did not step up, the enemy would land on the British Isles. The army might look strong and well supplied right now, as if it could defend the homeland.
But once real fighting began, that confidence would prove meaningless. Foreign Secretary Adam said, “The Foreign Office has reached an agreement with the Japanese government. Two hundred suicide pilots will be brought in from Japan and are expected to arrive in London in twenty days. At the same time, we have been in contact with revolutionary parties in various countries. They have agreed to mobilize a group of hot-blooded young men to take part in the war. The air force will have priority in selecting from among them. Additionally, we have provided funding to national independence movements in France, Poland, Bulgaria, Afghanistan, and Finland. They will launch uprisings in the near future. We also made contact with Hungarian independence organizations, but unfortunately they have already lost their will to fight and dare not return home to lead a revolution.” It had to be admitted that John Bull’s diplomatic methods were slick. Even while on the defensive, he still managed to stir up trouble. Fortunately, everyone present had seen their share of storms. Otherwise, they might have thought this was pure nonsense. Importing anything was one thing. However, importing suicide squads was something no one had ever heard of. It was probably the first time in history. On second thought, however, it was not so strange. Japan was desperate to prove itself right now, to show the Holy Roman government that it was not to be trifled with, all so it could safely weather the reckoning that would come later. Japan’s overall national strength was nothing special, and its military power was mediocre at best. The only thing that truly made others wary was its willingness to fight to the death. Only by making everyone see that a long-distance expedition came at an enormous cost, completely disproportionate to any gains, could the Continental Alliance be discouraged from settling scores afterward. To prove this, it was not enough to play games with the Spaniards in the Far East. The message had to be displayed in front of all the European powers. Only what was seen with one’s own eyes carried real deterrent force. At just such a moment, the British were willing to pay a high price to import “talent.” The two sides hit it off immediately.
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