When he heard the shocking figure of “three hundred million guilders,” if Wessenberg hadn’t been through countless storms, he would have spat out his wine on the spot. To be honest, he really wanted to counter with a deliberate “three million” just to make a point. But he held himself back, knowing that such childish haggling would ruin his dignified image. “Your Excellency, are you joking? In all of human history, there has never been a colonial transaction that expensive. Only half of Morocco’s land is even worth anything, yet by your asking price, each square kilometer costs about 150 guilders. At that rate, one could buy land in your own homeland. Outside the cities, most of your rural land costs about the same.” That was, of course, an exaggeration. Spanish land wasn’t worthless, but it wasn’t cheap to the extent of 150 guilders per square kilometer either. Unless one was buying the worst kind of mountainous wasteland, including the barren and uncultivable parts, perhaps then it could be bought for that price. But no matter how poor the land was, the key was that it could actually be purchased. By the standards of the time, European land was always the most expensive. Without special resources, even the worst mountain plots in Spain were still more valuable than Morocco’s fertile plains. The price difference was purely a matter of supply and demand. Compared to the vast, sparsely populated colonies, Europe was crowded and short on land, naturally driving prices sky-high. Brad, however, remained unmoved and replied, “If we only consider the land’s intrinsic value, Morocco indeed isn’t worth three hundred million guilders. But when you add its strategic and political value, the picture changes completely. Once your empire acquires Morocco, you will control the gateway to the western Mediterranean and can easily shut the British out. With the Mediterranean turned into an inland sea, your country would hold an unbeatable position in future international competition. If you wish, you could even buy Portuguese Africa next. I doubt the Portuguese government would refuse such an offer. Once everyone else withdraws, Britain alone won’t be able to hold out for long. The African continent will eventually fall into your empire’s hands. And beyond strategic gain, the political value is immense. With the Mediterranean under your rule, the Holy Roman Empire would become the true heir of ancient Rome. To revive the glory of the Roman era—surely, Your Excellency, that is an achievement worth pursuing?” It was impossible not to be tempted. If not for concerns about appearances, the Austrian government would have already made a move on Morocco. The lesson of Napoleon still loomed large. Ever since becoming the continental hegemon, the Austrian government had been careful to avoid drawing unnecessary hostility. Even though they clearly understood the significance of Morocco, they had restrained their ambitions, deliberately putting on the appearance of a harmless new overlord for all of Europe to see. Every effort deserves a reward, and after a round of political performance, the vigilance of European countries toward the Holy Roman Empire had indeed eased significantly. The long-feared anti-Holy Roman Empire alliance never came into being. However, the Austrian government found itself constrained by the very policy that kept it safe, unable to pursue further expansion. If they could not expand, so be it. The Holy Roman Empire was already full and content. The men in power in the Austrian government were all elderly statesmen, long past their youthful ambitions, guided entirely by the principle of stability above all else. They knew very well that seizing Morocco would immortalize their names in history and bring them glory in life and after death. But to avoid provoking the rest of Europe and risking the formation of another anti-Holy Roman Empire alliance, they forced themselves to hold back. And facts proved that, in this world, the cautious truly ruled. The more restrained the Austrian government appeared, the more restless the Spanish government became. Especially after the disastrous war with Japan, when Spain had suffered a harsh lesson, the Spanish finally recognized the limits of their own strength and began to rein in their ambitions. A few more uprisings later, the now fully sobered Spanish government finally realized that holding onto Morocco was like clutching a burning coal. Though they might not have known the old saying “possessing treasure invites trouble,” they understood the meaning well enough. Since they could not hold it anyway, they might as well use the opportunity to trade it to the Austrian government for a large sum of money and, while they were at it, repay the political favor they owed to the Empire. The additional value Morocco represented was simply too great. Even if money had to change hands for the deal, the Austrian government would still have to acknowledge Spain’s goodwill. Facts were facts, and Wessenberg, as the Empire’s foreign minister, could not deny them. He replied calmly, “The Ambassador is right. Morocco does hold great significance for the Holy Roman Empire. If possible, I would gladly agree to this deal. However, your country’s asking price is far too high. After all, Morocco is still an independent state. Your government has never truly controlled it. What you are offering us is merely a nominal suzerainty. The region’s full value depends on your country’s ability to exert real control over it, and that, as of now, has not been achieved. I will not demand complete control from your government. But at the very least, if you can defeat the Kingdom of Morocco and establish basic order there, we will pay the full three hundred million guilders. If your government cannot manage that, then even at the highest premium, the most I can offer is thirty million.” In truth, there was no bottom line. Wessenberg had not expected the Spaniards to be so determined to sell Morocco, and the Austrian government had never formally discussed it. No prior assessment had been made, and even Wessenberg himself had no clear idea of what Morocco was truly worth. But then, value was always a matter of demand. The greater the need, the higher the price one was willing to pay. A premium, in this kind of deal, was nothing out of the ordinary. If he wasn’t sure how much it was worth, then the best approach was to negotiate and let the price fall where it may. After all, the essence of negotiation was exactly that, negotiation. A massive deal like this wasn’t something that could be settled with a few casual words, like buying vegetables at the market. For the Austrian government, what truly mattered was securing Morocco without causing diplomatic fallout. The exact price was secondary. While the Spaniards kept emphasizing Morocco’s strategic importance to the Holy Roman Empire, Wessenberg kept steering the discussion toward control and governance. He was absolutely certain that the Spanish government could not actually subdue Morocco. … Banquets were never places for secrets, and the Spanish government never intended to keep the sale of Morocco confidential. Although they considered the Austrian government the only realistic buyer, once politics got involved, logic no longer applied. By letting the news leak, there was always a chance, however slim, that some nation might lose its senses and jump into a bidding war with the Holy Roman Empire. If that happened, Spain could drive up the price even higher. Of course, that possibility was remote. Spain’s asking price was astronomical. Even if someone wanted to snatch the deal out from under Austria’s claws, few had the money to do it. Three hundred million guilders, equivalent to over a thousand tons of gold. Only two nations in the entire world had that kind of wealth. And those two just happened to be bitter rivals. Spain’s intentions were all too clear. … London Ever since news arrived that Spain was preparing to sell Morocco, Prime Minister Robert Cecil had been suffering a headache. To put it bluntly, he was an unlucky man. He had barely taken office before facing the greatest challenger Britain had encountered in three hundred years. Compared with the current Holy Roman Empire, Spain, the Netherlands, France, and even Russia from earlier times all seemed laughably weak. “The Spaniards are selling Morocco? What’s going on, and why weren’t we informed sooner?” It was a pointless question, and everyone in the room knew it. Britain and Spain had already fallen out over the Philippines, and then again over Cuba. As one of the old imperial powers, Spain still had its pride. No matter how much they hoped Britain might bid up the price, they would never take the initiative to approach the British government themselves. Foreign Secretary Cameron explained, “Years of war have crippled Spain’s finances. Their massive debt has become unbearable. To escape the crisis, they have no choice but to find a way to save themselves. Although Morocco is nominally a Spanish colony, they’ve never really controlled it. Since the dawn of the colonial age, the gains Spain has drawn from Morocco have been far less than the cost of maintaining it. A colony that doesn’t bring profit has no real value. To the Spanish government, Morocco is like a chicken rib, tasteless to eat yet a pity to throw away.” Cecil gave a thin smile and said, “Their chicken rib may well be our delicacy.” To the Spanish government, Morocco was a worthless burden, but in the eyes of Britain and the Holy Roman Empire, it had become a priceless treasure. The First Lord of the Admiralty, Flora, declared, “Whatever happens, we cannot allow Morocco to fall into the hands of the Holy Roman Empire. If it does, everything we have in the Mediterranean will be finished.” As the ruler of the seas, Britain’s reach extended across the entire globe. Naturally, the Mediterranean, one of the world’s most vital regions, was no exception. Half of Tunisia and the island of Malta were the fruits of Britain’s long cultivation in the region. In the early and mid-nineteenth century, Britain had even used these positions to dominate the Mediterranean for a time. But glory fades. With the rise of France and Austria, Britain’s supremacy in the region quickly came under siege by these two continental powers. Now, in the era of the Holy Roman Empire, the situation had only worsened. Hegemony was long gone, and even the Royal Navy’s main fleet no longer dared to enter the Mediterranean lightly. If Morocco were to fall into Imperial hands now, the gates of the Mediterranean would close on Britain completely. Malta and Tunisia, once strategic strongholds, would become meaningless. The Secretary of War, Skybrook, agreed, “The Admiralty is right. Under no circumstances can we allow Morocco to fall to the Empire. We must disrupt this deal, or better yet, seize Morocco for ourselves.” When the Army and Navy, who normally bickered endlessly, suddenly found themselves in agreement, it was a sure sign that something serious was at stake. Aside from matters of national interest, only the question of military funding could unite them so completely. And in truth, the latter often carried even greater weight. “To seize Morocco is easy enough, as long as we are willing to spend the money,” said Foreign Secretary Cameron. “But the real question is, what do we do after that? We all know the state of affairs in Africa. Our South African colony has shrunk to the Cape of Good Hope, and our East African territories are less than half what they once were. If we hadn’t stationed numerous forces to stabilize the situation, we would have been driven into the sea long ago by those greedy savages. Morocco may be shielded by the Sahara to the south, but it faces threats from the east as well. It sits at the very gate of the Mediterranean, a position that every power covets. To hold such a place, we would need no fewer than two hundred thousand troops. And if war with the Empire were to break out, even half a million might not be enough.” Cameron’s words were not meant to insult Britain’s redcoats, but the simple truth was that the army had been starved of resources for too long. With no dough, how could one bake bread? Britain might seem wealthy, but much of that wealth came from the centuries-old accumulation of its colonial empire. When judged purely by government revenue, Britain had long fallen behind the Empire, even when counting its colonies. With every available resource poured into maintaining naval supremacy, creating a continental-scale army would drain the treasury dry. The Secretary of War, Skybrook, refused to back down and argued, “The difficulties are real, but do we have a choice? Against the Holy Roman Empire, we have already retreated time and again. We have lost the European continent. If we lose Africa as well, what will remain of the Empire? Some may think our interests in Africa are minor, that it wouldn’t matter if we lost them. After all, we still have Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and India. But as we shrink, our enemy grows stronger by the day. The British Empire is fading because we keep giving ground. At this rate, it won’t be long before…” Whether it was fact or fearmongering, one truth was undeniable: Britain was in decline. The Victorian era had been Britain’s peak, but it was also the beginning of its fall. With the rise of the Holy Roman Empire, the world had entered an era of transition between old and new hegemons. As an old imperial power, if Britain did not wish to sink into history, it had to find a way to restrain the Empire’s expansion. The British government was already trying its best, but human effort could not reverse the tide. Against the Holy Roman Empire’s relentless advance, Britain could only react, never lead. After a long moment of thought, Prime Minister Robert Cecil finally spoke, “The Foreign Office will quietly inform Spain that the British Empire is interested in purchasing Morocco. At the same time, we will leak reports suggesting that the Holy Roman Empire is pressuring Spain to surrender the region by force. That should create public outrage and diplomatic pressure on the Austrian government. If necessary, the British Empire can make a public statement supporting Spain’s right to deploy troops in Morocco. The goal is to disrupt their negotiations as much as possible. Even if we cannot prevent the sale, we must not allow the Holy Roman Empire to take Morocco easily.” Robert Cecil knew full well this was Spain’s scheme, but he had no choice but to play along. From Britain’s perspective, it was better to let Spain profit than to let the Holy Roman Empire gain Morocco uncontested.
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