The wheel of human civilization rolls on, and the tides of the age surge forward. With the advance of science and technology, the footsteps of a great era drew ever closer to this world. Perhaps everyone was simply exhausted from fighting, or perhaps God grew tired of watching war films every day, but suddenly the world grew quiet in 1897. Except for the flames of war still burning in France, Cuba, the Philippines, and Morocco all fell silent. The hard-pressed Kingdom of Spain at last could pause and take a breath. But this peace was not entirely won on the battlefield; far more of it was the result of compromise between parties. No matter how much the Kingdom of Spain had declined, it was still not comparable to a few native tribes. After a long, grueling struggle, the insurgents ultimately could not hold out. The victorious Kingdom of Spain did not fare well either. With terrible casualties and towering debts, the Spanish government no longer had the capacity to keep hunting down insurgents who had abandoned cities and retreated into the jungle. Since neither side could press the fight anymore, they had no choice but to sit down and negotiate. Through one compromise treaty after another, the Kingdom of Spain finally pacified the colonial uprisings. Obviously, this is not the end. Once hatred has taken root, it is not easily erased. Compromise is only a temporary truce. No one knows when the flames of war might flare up again. But the beleaguered Spanish government had no luxury to worry about the future. The war was over, and their troubles were only beginning. Putting aside the enormous debt and how to repay it, even the French mercenaries in their hands were a hot potato. By contract, when the war ended these mercenaries should be sent back home. But the French and the Russians were at each other’s throats, so to whom should the Spanish government hand over this elite force? Handing them to the resistance was out of the question. If they did that, the Russians would surely fly into a rage, and the whole anti-French alliance would take offense at Spain. Spain would never do something so self-defeating. In theory, since the Russian Empire and Spain were both members of the anti-French alliance, giving the mercenaries to Russia would be fine. The problem was that the Russian government acted unscrupulously. If Spain turned the mercenaries over to Russia, it would be sending them into the fire. Although the Russians had formed French-collaboration cannon fodder units, they would not trust an intact former French force brought in as a unit. This is true for any ruler: an elite force they cannot control must be destroyed. With the Russians’ style, they would not half-measure it. They would simply send the mercenaries back home to Siberia to work on the railway. In any case, these French mercenaries had won glorious achievements for the Kingdom of Spain. Spain could not bring itself to betray them in that way. Since sending them home was inappropriate, the only option was to keep them for the time being. The problem was that Spain was not wealthy either. The war had ended, and to maintain two hundred thousand mercenaries was simply too wasteful. … Madrid Prime Minister Antonio asked with concern, “How many have we managed to win over?” Keeping mercenaries for too long was a waste of money, but spending money to maintain one’s own army was a different matter. After witnessing the combat prowess of the French mercenaries, Antonio realized how weak his own troops truly were. It was not that Spaniards were incapable of fighting, but that the army, like the nation itself, had long since decayed. Reform was never something that could be achieved overnight, and until military reform was complete, the Spanish government still needed a force capable of holding up its reputation. It did not have to be among the world’s best, as long as it could crush colonial rebels and preserve the stability of the empire. Right now, this mercenary corps from France fit that requirement perfectly. Had France still been in its prime, Antonio would never have dared entertain such an idea. But times had changed. After years of ceaseless warfare, France had become like a plucked phoenix, no longer majestic. Aside from its army, which could still fight somewhat, everything else had declined, including its population. Although France’s total population was still slightly higher at present, its supply of able-bodied men had dwindled. If this trend continued, it would only be a few more years before Spain’s population surpassed France’s altogether. As the balance of power shifted, so too did Antonio’s confidence. No longer fearing being overtaken, he was ready to dig at France’s foundations. Colonial Minister Taboada reported, “The progress is going quite well. After years of unending war, the French have grown weary. Once we presented our offer, about one-fifth of the mercenaries agreed to emigrate with their families, and nearly one-third said they would seriously consider it.” This “weariness” was, of course, partly the result of Spanish propaganda. Not every mercenary loved war, and even those who did had to think of their families. Only after enduring war could one truly understand the value of peace. Six long years of conflict had worn the French people down. They were tired of it all, but had no power to end it. To escape the ravages of war, countless French families emigrated overseas each year. Those with money bought passage, while those without fled as refugees. Thanks to the Russians attracting most of the hatred, the animosity of the Continental War barely mattered anymore. Spain, along with every other nation bordering France, had accepted many refugees. It was precisely through this experience of taking in refugees that the Spanish government conceived the idea of retaining the mercenaries. Bringing over entire families meant there was little chance these men would turn disloyal. Spain might not dare take in millions, but several hundred thousand immigrants were manageable. After all, years of warfare had left France with far more women than men, making integration even easier. Prime Minister Antonio nodded with satisfaction and said, “Excellent. With these seeds, we can start forming several mixed main corps. The next step will be up to the Foreign Ministry. Negotiate with the other nations as soon as possible and bring over their families. As for those Frenchmen unwilling to emigrate, don’t force them. If they wish to return, let them go. But once they’re sent back to France, we’ll no longer be responsible for their safety.” Indeed, the Spanish government’s morals were not exactly pristine. Refusing to hand the mercenaries over to the Russians was one thing, since Spain wanted to undermine France. But once it became clear the troops could not be used, Spain had no hesitation about selling them off. Antonio was not worried about the damage this might do to Spain’s international image. The French mercenaries had indeed won great honors, but the Spanish government had also paid their wages. Originally it had been a simple labor contract, and once money and service were exchanged the matter should have been finished. As long as the men were not personally delivered into Russian hands, it could not be called betrayal. What happened after they were returned to France would not be Spain’s concern. Foreign Minister Júnior said, “Prime Minister, perhaps we could hand this mercenary force to the government of Carlos. Although they are now in exile, they remain the only legitimate government of France. Our mercenary contract was signed with Carlos’s government, so returning the men to them would be a demonstration of our respect for the spirit of the agreement.” Júnior’s suggestion was not from softness, but because they had just poached people from under France’s nose and the feelings of the new immigrants needed to be managed. They had to soothe hearts while avoiding making the Russians incurably hostile. Passing the problem to Carlos’s government looked like the best choice. As for how the exiled Carlos government would clean up the mess, that was not Spain’s business. After all, King Carlos had left on his own, and the Russians had not expelled him. If he himself wished, he could return at any time. Bringing a force back with him would not be an issue. He was, after all, France’s legitimate king, and Spain had no reason to stop him. … The Russian army’s arduous struggle in France was not without value. The Trans-Siberian Railway had already been started, and French laborers had been used in place of Russian workers on the Central Asian lines. The Russian people were calling the Tsar wise. This was sincere enough, since they no longer had to perform forced labor themselves, so the Tsar must be wise. What happened to the French, that was none of their concern. Still, the “wise” Tsar Nicholas II could not be happy. Although the front-line troops had embarrassed him months earlier by appealing to the joint command for help, they were his troops. Moreover, the loss of face was not entirely in vain. At least the front-line logistics no longer required the Russian government to pay. For a government that was not wealthy, this mattered. Over time Russian casualties swelled, enough to make Nicholas II uneasy. Yet French resistance showed no sign of weakening. Front-line officers reported that any French person seen in the field, man or woman, old or young, could be a member of a guerrilla band. The more they fought, the more enemies there seemed to be, and everyone they met made them uneasy. If someone were not footing the bill for the war, the Russian government would have long since been forced to cede ground. Of course, they were still pressing on, and that was partly because Nicholas II was the new Tsar. As his first war since accession, failing to win decisively would seriously damage his reputation. Compared with the Tsar’s prestige, the lives of the gray cattle mattered little. On this point, the Russian government’s top brass were entirely united. Tossing aside the telegram, Nicholas II complained angrily, “They want reinforcements again. I really don’t know what those idiots at the front think they’re doing!” Where there are casualties, reinforcements are necessary. The heavier the losses at the front, the more replacement troops the rear must supply. Unlike skimping on materiel, when it comes to filling the ranks, Russian bureaucrats were not the sort to cut corners. Especially after the front had appealed to the joint command for help, no one dared make trouble over this matter. After all, no one could guarantee those ironheaded front-line troops would not make a mess of things. This was the first war since the Tsar’s accession. If the Tsar took it as a personal affront, there would be dire consequences. Political struggle is one thing, but there are red lines that must not be crossed, because crossing them could cost the officials their heads. On that score, Alexander II taught the Russian bureaucracy a brutal lesson with thousands of executions, and the memory still chilled everyone. Alexander III was less bloodthirsty but still dealt harshly with many who showed no sense. The current Tsar, Nicholas II, may lack some of their ruthlessness, but his ideals were exalted. He often said in public that he would emulate his great-grandfather, grandfather, and father. No one feared emulating Alexander III, but if anyone tried to imitate the two earlier, more decisive rulers, lives would be lost. After the “Khodynka Tragedy,” people clearly felt the Tsar’s murderous mood had grown fiercer. Look at the fate of the bureaucrats who skimped on front-line supplies. Not only were their homes ransacked, they were now digging potatoes in Siberia. Supposedly each must dig a whole railcar of potatoes and bring it back to atone for their crimes. The Trans-Siberian Railway had only just begun, and its opening was still a long way off. Clearly, most of those unlucky wretches would not be coming back. No one wanted to go confront an angry Tsar. Others could pretend not to hear, but as prime minister, Sergei Witte could not avoid responsibility. “Your Majesty, we cannot entirely blame the front-line officers. They have done their best. Over the past six months the front-line forces have sent half a million laborers home, and that number keeps rising. Behind the French resistance are the British, so a longer fight is to be expected.” Witte was not making excuses for the front. The intensification of French resistance was, in large part, driven by the Russian policy of forcibly conscripting labor. If the French had not been driven to desperation, they would not have resisted so fiercely. People fear death, and the truly fearless are always a minority. Politicians may lack integrity, but they know how to shift blame. Tossing accusations recklessly will only end in everyone turning against you. Increasing pressure on the front and then blaming front-line commanders for the consequences is not a stunt Witte could pull off. A prime minister must take responsibility when thunder needs shouldering. Witte’s words had the intended effect. Once he spoke, the military delegates were more inclined to listen to him. Nicholas II smiled coldly and sneered, “Is this going to last a little longer or an awful lot longer? If this drags on, the Central Asian Railway will be completed. We cannot wait for the Trans-Siberian Railway to open before we think about crushing the French resistance.” Whether to send reinforcements or not was not Nicholas II’s main concern. After all, the Russian Empire was not short of gray cattle, and someone else was paying for the war. The problem was that the French resistance could not be stamped out, and Nicholas II had nowhere to put his pride. The Tsar cared about appearances. Compared with his predecessors, Nicholas II’s early performance after accession was clearly lacking. It was not only the domestic populace making comparisons; the international press often mocked him too. For a man obsessed with face, this was intolerable. Witte opened his mouth but hesitated. Only God could say when the French resistance would finally be crushed.
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