Once Pandora’s box is opened, it can never be closed again. The controversy that erupted in the Aswan French command post was only a small episode. Similar events continued to unfold throughout the Egyptian theater. How to surrender in a way that seemed reasonable and justified became the center of heated debate. This was not because the French commanders were cowardly, nor did it mean they were unpatriotic. Senior officers understood the strategic importance of Egypt to France, but that did not mean rank-and-file soldiers could grasp the same. To most of the troops, Egypt was merely another colony. If it was lost, so be it. It was nothing worth dying for. Since it was clearly impossible to hold, then why not abandon it altogether? After all, France had lost plenty of colonies before, even ones far wealthier than Egypt, and life still went on. With morale at rock bottom and strategic supplies running low, there was simply no way to continue fighting. Given these circumstances, smart senior officers naturally began to think about their own future and tried to negotiate the most dignified outcome possible. Beginning in June, the Austrian forces slowed their offensive and shifted to a prolonged siege. The overall situation in Egypt gradually began to stabilize. What had originally been a military confrontation was now increasingly becoming a political contest. Around the negotiating table, representatives clashed in heated debate, no less fierce than on the battlefield. The political offensive was launched under the personal orders of Franz himself. As a peace-loving and benevolent emperor, he naturally wished to minimize casualties as much as possible. By this point in the war, the Austrian army had already suffered hundreds of thousands of casualties. That number would rise further before the war came to an end. The French forces in Egypt were already trapped in a cage. Time was on the side of the Austrians. Lacking food and with their water sources destroyed, the besieged French troops simply could not hold out for long. Rather than forcing the French to fight to the bitter end, it was better to use political means to induce their surrender and reduce Austria’s own losses. As for depleting France’s manpower, that could just as easily be done in prisoner-of-war camps, perhaps even more effectively than on the battlefield. The political offensive proved highly effective. As time passed and it became clear that resistance was futile, more and more French troops laid down their arms and entered the prisoner-of-war camps. With the situation in Egypt nearing its conclusion, developments on the European continent were also moving in a positive direction. Although the French campaign of forced expulsions had increased Austria’s burdens, it had also united the German populace in shared hatred. Spurred by this animosity, the once second-rate armies of the German states underwent a remarkable transformation. Where combat strength was lacking, morale made up for it. These forces were now beginning to show signs of having the qualities of elite troops. This change was directly reflected on the Central European front. The anti-French coalition, which had previously been struggling due to the poor performance of its allies, was now slowly turning the tide. It is important to note that Austria’s reserve armored divisions had not yet been deployed. The total number of troops committed to the Central European front was only around one million, far from representing Austria’s full capabilities. The battlefield gains, while notable, were not what pleased Franz the most. The true victory lay in the political realm. The war had caused the ideology of Greater Germany to take deep root in the public consciousness. Even in places like Hanover and Prussia, it has become the dominant trend in society. Under the looming threat of the French, former opponents of Austrian influence had begun to shift their positions. Many of these factions now sent envoys to open talks with the Austrian government. If not for the opposing stances of the two countries, Franz would have sincerely considered awarding Napoleon IV a German Unification Medal in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the cause of unification of Germany. The Habsburgs had labored for centuries without managing to achieve this dream. Yet now, thanks to the selfless assistance of the French government, the dawn of unification was finally within sight. As of now, the Austrian government had already signed secret treaties with twenty-three German states, reaching consensus on the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire. Indeed, it would not be the “New” Holy Roman Empire, but simply the Holy Roman Empire once more, to signify the full restoration of its legal and historical continuity. As for the current North Germany, it will become history and disappear from this world as soon as the war is over. … Just as everything seemed to be moving in the right direction, a piece of news reached Franz that left him in disbelief. “Are you certain there’s no mistake? The Japanese intend to invade Southeast Asia?” Franz’s reaction was not exaggerated. The news truly defied logic. Had Japan formed an alliance with France and launched an attack on Austria’s Southeast Asian territories before the fall of French Egypt, that might have been understandable. But things are different now. Ever since the Austrian government spread the rumor that Egypt had been fully occupied, the American nations, once stirred up by Britain and France, had all pulled back. Even Colombia, which had deep grievances with Austria, had ceased all anti-Austrian rhetoric and stopped speaking of revenge altogether. These were not fools. Since the beginning of the European war, France had appeared to gain momentum, but in reality, its victories had been purely tactical. Strategically, it had been losing ground across the board. On the Central European front, it failed to break through the Rhine defense line. In Southern Europe, Austrian forces kept it firmly on the defensive. The African campaign had ended in a disastrous defeat, and now Egypt, a region of critical importance, was lost. All signs pointed to France’s decline. At this point, not even direct British intervention could guarantee a reversal of the situation, let alone secret support behind the scenes. Under these circumstances, who would be reckless enough to throw themselves into the sinking French quagmire? The Japanese were not fools. No matter what promises of benefit the French had offered, there was no reason for them to join in only to suffer alongside France. Austrian Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, “Yesterday morning, the Japanese government, citing ongoing unrest in Southeast Asia as detrimental to its interests, announced it would dispatch troops to occupy the area. Shortly afterward, Britain and France issued joint statements inviting the Japanese navy into Southeast Asia to help restore local order. The current chaos in Southeast Asia is merely a subplot in the broader anti-French war. Since hostilities began, we and the French have dropped all pretenses in the region. As a result, social order has collapsed in Southeast Asia. Pirates have emerged in large numbers, and the once-thriving Strait of Malacca is now nearly devoid of trade.” There was no doubt that the chaos in Southeast Asia was connected to Austria. The surge in piracy was equally tied to the actions of the Austrian government. Due to the war, shipping routes from the Austrian homeland to its Southeast Asian colonies had been largely severed. Even when travel was possible, ships were forced to take long detours. With the African continent providing a buffer and prewar preparations being thorough, Austria’s dependence on Southeast Asian resources was minimal. Its need for that trade route was practically nonexistent. Following the logic of “if we can’t use it, neither can the enemy,” sabotage was the natural course. At first, Austria cooperated with the Germans occupying the Malay Peninsula to blockade the Strait of Malacca, preventing French merchant ships from passing through. But the results were underwhelming. The French simply changed their flags. In an age without precise satellite tracking, there was no reliable way to determine who owned a ship or where it was truly headed. The most effective strategy would have been a blanket ban on transporting strategic materials. But doing so would implicate too many countries and risk international backlash. The British, in particular, would never agree to such a move. To minimize diplomatic fallout, Austria resorted to more covert measures. Pirates began appearing in large numbers, targeting vessels suspected of carrying strategic goods. Since the start of the European war, over a hundred vessels had been attacked or sunk in Southeast Asia. Their combined tonnage exceeded 200,000. The Austrians were not the only ones stirring the pot as France was equally involved. Rather than openly robbing ships, which would have been a diplomatic scandal, both sides used proxies. Each backed groups of privateers, turning piracy into a covert extension of the war. Ironically, it was British-flagged vessels that suffered the most losses. Of course, that judgment was based solely on the flags those ships flew. Their actual ownership was unclear and no one really wanted to find out. The fact that the British had remained silent was proof enough that few of the pirate-attacked ships actually belonged to Britain. Japan’s decision to send its navy into Southeast Asia under the pretense of fighting piracy was merely a facade. The real objective was to help France reopen its shipping routes and deal a blow to Austria, possibly even launching a direct invasion of the Austrian colonies in Southeast Asia. Though few held Japan’s strength in high regard, in the Southeast Asian theater, Japan’s limited resources were still enough to tip the balance between France and Austria. Chancellor Karl said, “The situation in Southeast Asia is extremely complex. Our naval presence there is weak, and it would be very difficult to defeat a combined Franco-Japanese force. If the enemy launches a full-scale offensive, we would have no choice but to avoid direct confrontation. Reversing this situation would require drawing new allies into the conflict, such as Spain, Portugal, or perhaps the Dutch. But that is nearly impossible. The Foreign Ministry has tried many times. No matter how high we bid, none of them have the courage to get involved.” Setting aside the dormant Great Qin, only a handful of countries had meaningful influence in Southeast Asia. The British were out of reach, so the Austrian government had to pick potential partners from among the few remaining minor powers. Unfortunately, even those hesitant minor powers had no interest in joining the fray. Foreign Minister Wessenberg added, “Perhaps the situation is not as bad as it seems. For Japan to reach Southeast Asia, it must first pass through the Philippines. Ideally, it would even have to seize the Ryukyu Islands as well. Given that the anti-French coalition now holds the advantage, the Japanese government would have to be foolish to tie itself to France at this stage. Compared to picking a fight with us, those two fading old empires are clearly the easier targets. If we extend a gesture of goodwill, Japan might just make the right choice.”
*** https://postimg.cc/gallery/PwXsBkC (Maps of the current territories of the countries in this novel made by ScH) Support the translation and read more chapters at https://ko-fi.com/dragonlegion
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