Shortly after the Russo-Austrian agreement was revealed, the Prussian government responded by publicly disclosing the Anglo-Prussian Debt Agreement and the Franco-Prussian Debt Agreement. Secrecy was out of the question as this was a time to boost morale. Without positive news, how could they inspire the domestic populace to bravely participate in the war? International loans have always been intertwined with politics and offering financial support inevitably means taking sides. Britain and France backed the Prussian-Polish Federation, while Austria and the Nordic Federation supported the Russian Empire. Other European countries also chose sides. The Netherlands, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, and the German Federal Empire leaned toward the Prussian-Polish Federation while Greece and Montenegro supported Russia. In terms of international backing, the Prussian-Polish Federation held the advantage. However, the Russian Empire possessed greater wartime potential, making the two sides relatively evenly matched. At the Vienna Palace, Franz was unsurprised by Russia’s diplomatic failures. Given the Russian government’s lackluster diplomatic prowess, securing the Nordic Federation’s support was already an overachievement. Denmark played a crucial role in this success. Without Danish efforts, even with Austria’s guarantees, the Russian government would not have secured Nordic Federation funding so easily. The historical grievances between Russia and Sweden had faded over the decades, with older generations passing and younger ones feeling less attached to those conflicts. In contrast, the animosity between Prussia and Denmark was much fresher. It was only a little over a decade and still vivid in everyone’s memory. Despite Russia’s reputation for stirring conflict, its past war against Prussia on Denmark’s behalf left many Danes with favorable impressions of the Russian government. Although the Nordic Federation is centered around Sweden, the central government must also take into account the sentiments of the Danish populace when making decisions. Moreover, the terms offered by the Russian government were truly tempting. With the backing of the Austrian government, the risk of debt default had significantly decreased. Even in the worst-case scenario, the Federation could profit from war. The krona was not an international currency, so the Russians had no choice but to spend it within the Nordic Federation. If luck was on their side, they might even seize Finland without bloodshed, making the deal extremely lucrative. Public discourse had exploded over the impending war, with debates and speculation flying everywhere. Some even divided the European world into two major camps, interpreting the Russo-Prussian War as a geopolitical chess match between Britain, France, and Austria. These chaotic opinions did little to dampen Franz’s good mood. The current situation was unfolding almost exactly as he had planned, with only minor deviations. Setting aside the newspaper he was reading, Franz remarked, “Allocate 100 million guilders to the Russians and let the Russian government proceed boldly!” Loans still had to be disbursed in installments, as banks could not extract several hundred million guilders in cash within a short period without affecting their operations. As for bonds, those had just begun listing, and it would take months to sell them completely. In the short term, the Russian government would not see the funds. Receiving 100 million guilders upfront was already an exceptional privilege. In a normal commercial loan arrangement, there would be no such rapid payout. … Money fuels courage, and with funds in hand, the Russians threw caution to the wind and immediately launched nationwide conscription. In the Winter Palace, Alexander II was listening to his son’s report. Having failed to secure support from Britain and France, Alexander Alexandrovich’s diplomatic mission across Europe ended abruptly. “Are you saying that Britain, France, and Austria have conspired to ensure we and Prussia both emerge weakened?” Alexander II couldn’t help but be surprised. The situation had already veered far from his expectations. Originally, he had hoped that by easing relations with Britain and France, they would remain neutral in the war or at least neutral during its initial phase. Yet, all efforts in that direction had proven futile. Alexander Alexandrovich nodded and said, “Although there’s no direct evidence to prove it, the actions of these three countries make it quite evident. The earlier negotiations were grueling, but then, all of a sudden, agreements were reached. This is clearly unusual. If you analyze the turning point in the negotiations, you’ll see that once Britain and Prussia aligned, Austria unexpectedly made significant concessions to us, no longer insisting on collateralization of our entire gold reserves. Now it’s already late October. In two months at most, winter will arrive, making it impossible for either side to achieve a decisive victory in such a short timeframe. Yet, funding has arrived at this very moment, and our enemies are expanding their armies on a massive scale. If the war is postponed until spring next year, the forces we’ll face won’t be just the tens of thousands they currently have but over a million well-armed troops.” The Russian army had certain advantages in winter warfare, but those advantages depended heavily on the timing and location. While advantageous in defending their homeland, attempting an offensive in winter was an entirely different matter. Not every region experiences winters as cold as Russia’s. Poland, for instance, doesn’t get cold enough. After pacing for a moment, Alexander II said with a self-deprecating smile, “It’s fine. Overall, this still works in our favor. It seems the impact of our previous defeat hasn’t yet dissipated. The Austrians clearly don’t have confidence in us and are worried we’ll suffer a complete defeat. That’s actually a good thing. This perception will prompt the Austrian government to increase their support for us in the early stages. If we can seize this opportunity to deliver a heavy blow to our enemies this winter, the situation will be completely reversed.” Years of ruling had matured Alexander II, making him a capable monarch who could quickly identify advantages in a situation and work to amplify them. The foundation of the Prussian-Polish Federation wasn’t particularly strong. A single defeat could deal them a severe blow, and if they suffered a crushing setback, they wouldn’t be able to recover over the course of one winter. In contrast, the Russian Empire had significantly greater resilience. With its vast population, even a defeat could be recovered from within a single winter. Crown Prince Alexander Alexandrovich hesitated to speak further. He had raised the idea of a conspiracy by Britain, France, and Austria to prevent the war from breaking out, but reality had shown that this was impossible. The power of hatred was immense. Even with this revelation, it couldn’t shake Alexander II’s resolve to launch the war. Deep down, Alexander II didn’t want to initiate the war at this moment either. But he had no choice and neither did the Russian Empire. If they didn’t act now, their chances of victory would diminish further as the enemy became more prepared. Russia was simply too vast. While several key railway lines had been completed, transportation infrastructure couldn’t be significantly improved in the short term. Meanwhile, the enemy had the advantage of smaller territory and faster development. In another one to two years, the Prussian-Polish Federation’s railway network would be fully interconnected. … Minister of War Palladiy Valdov reported, “Your Majesty, we are fully prepared for war. With your command, we can launch the offensive. As of yesterday afternoon, we have mobilized 1.68 million troops, and this number continues to grow at a rate of 150,000 per month. Of these, 820,000 soldiers are already deployed at the border. All strategic supplies at the front lines have been fully stocked, sufficient to sustain a million troops for six months of combat. Additionally, we’ve stored substantial amounts of grain in major cities along the supply routes, enabling nearby distribution and significantly reducing logistical pressure.” There was no doubt that Russia was far better prepared for this war than the last one. A vast amount of strategic materials had been pre-positioned at the front, avoiding the logistical struggles of having soldiers waiting for supplies as soon as the war began. This demonstrated that Alexander II’s reforms had not been in vain. Compared to the past, the efficiency and execution of the Russian government had improved significantly. The saying “war makes one grow” could not have been more accurate. After suffering a previous defeat, the Russian government, through trial and error, had managed to establish a wartime mobilization system. How effective it was remained to be seen, but even the worst mobilization system would be better than the old practice of directly dragging serfs into battle. After a moment of contemplation, Alexander II made his decision, “Shame can only be washed away with blood. Since we are ready, declare war!” … As the Russian government decided to go to war, the war machine of the Prussian-Polish Federation also began to operate. The Prussian government leadership gathered around a sand table approximately ten square meters in size to hold a meeting. A year earlier, Marshal Moltke had resigned from his position as Prime Minister and returned to the General Staff. Moltke with a command baton in hand was far more effective than as Prime Minister. In fact, during his years in office as Prime Minister, he spent most of his time focused on military development, rarely addressing political issues. His appointment as Prime Minister had been a compromise among various factions, with personal ability being the least important consideration. Prussia was famously described as an army with a country and the Prussian-Polish Federation had inherited this trait. The military held significant influence in politics, and without a figure like Bismarck to mediate, no one could truly control the proud and formidable officers. Although Wilhelm I was capable, as king, it was impossible for him to personally intervene in every matter. Thus, he sought to maintain political balance among the factions. Using his command baton to point at various locations on the sand table, Moltke explained, “Your Majesty, the blue flags represent the deployment of Russian forces. Along the border, the enemy has stationed approximately 800,000 troops. This is only the beginning. The enemy has also amassed a significant reserve force in the rear, ready to reinforce the front lines at any moment. It is already October, and winter is approaching. A swift and decisive victory, defeating the enemy in a short period, is nearly impossible. The General Staff proposes that before winter fully sets in, we launch an offensive from Poland, aiming to push the battlefront to the Dnieper River and cut off the enemy’s water transport routes.” The Dnieper River originates in the southern slopes of the Valdai Hills, flowing south through Belarus and Ukraine before emptying into the Black Sea. Much of the river is navigable, granting it high strategic and economic value. Through this vital waterway, the Russians could directly transport supplies from Austria to their front-line forces. In the last war, the Prussian army’s success in cutting off this lifeline significantly increased the logistical strain on the Russians, leaving their front-line troops in a dire state of supply shortages.
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