Undoubtedly, the conditions offered by Ambassador Kompten were not something the Mexican Republican government could accept. Of the three choices, they dared not choose any. If they could compromise on the issue of imperial rule, why would President Juárez have led a rebellion in the first place? After all, when Maximilian I took the throne, he pardoned political prisoners and even offered Juárez a high position. Accepting the restoration of Maximilian I now would be a complete negation of the past ten years of revolution. This uprising would not be seen as a fight against imperialism and feudalism, but rather as a mere political power struggle. As for paying reparations, that’s out of the question. If they had that kind of money, the Republicans would have long since used force to eliminate domestic opposition, avoiding the need for compromise altogether. Going to war with the Austrians is also something the Republican government cannot afford. After clashing with the French, President Juárez has a clear understanding of the military power of the great powers. In normal circumstances, it was often ten thousand French soldiers chasing down hundreds of thousands of rebels—a sight too embarrassing to witness. Except in special circumstances, the rebel forces almost never secured any significant victories. The data speaks for itself: from the start of the French invasion in 1861 until their withdrawal in 1871, there were hundreds of battles, but the number of French casualties was under ten thousand. The idea that the uprising severely weakened France and forced them into retreat was purely political propaganda. In reality, the French consistently had the upper hand. But Napoleon III eventually lost patience, recognizing that Maximilian I was hopeless and that the investment wasn’t worth the return, leading to his decision to cut his losses. If the Mexican Republican government were truly as strong as they claimed, they would have defaulted on their debts long ago. If they could defeat the French, why would they fear a debt collection through force? Russia is a prime example. After the Russian government declared a debt default, European countries responded with protests and economic sanctions, but did anyone suggest collecting the debt by force? It’s not that the creditors were merciful. It’s that the cost of attacking the Russian Empire would have been many times greater than the debt itself. Everyone tacitly agreed to negotiate, employing tactics like extending payment deadlines, offering compensation in goods, or reducing interest on the debt—all handled with great flexibility. In a world where weak nations have no diplomacy, lacking strength means your words carry no weight. Now, the Mexican government is forced to accept Austria’s political extortion. Even though they know Kompten’s demands are excessive, they still have to sit down and negotiate. Aim high, settle for less. President Juárez was fully aware that after ousting Maximilian I, the Austrian government would inevitably be hostile toward Mexico. For a long time to come, relations between the two countries will not normalize. What they didn’t expect was that the Austrians would stoop to such tactics. Franz’s careful image management deceived many which was why suddenly dropping their standards caught Juárez off guard. If those victims had known earlier that they had become Austrian citizens, the subsequent tragedies would never have occurred. As long as they had declared their status as foreign citizens, the Republican Army would have treated them with great care. British citizens, French citizens… all can testify to this. The Mexican Republican government’s military has always understood the rules and treated international friends with respect. President Juárez anxiously asked, “How are the talks going? Are they willing to…” There’s still a way out of this predicament: if those “Austrian citizens” could be persuaded to change their stance, or perhaps to drop the matter entirely, then Austria’s reason for extortion would no longer exist. The Republicans have plenty of experience with this kind of situation—convincing people is their specialty. Patriotism is a strong banner to rally under, urging them to consider the bigger picture. The idea was to confuse them first, then compensate them for their losses. The Republican government was feeling generous this time, offering several times the usual amount. Whatever the case, the money spent on buying these people off is far less than the cost of giving in to Austrian extortion. The middle-aged man lowered his head and replied, “The situation isn’t looking good. Most people are hesitating, they’re worried…” Before he could finish, President Juárez waved his hand and said, “Alright, I understand. You’re exhausted because of another sleepless night. Go get some rest.” If the two countries were equally matched in strength, this situation might be an opportunity to gain some leverage. Unfortunately, the power gap between Mexico and Austria is too vast. If not everyone can be convinced to change their stance, it’s as good as a wasted effort. The fact that the great powers are even willing to discuss things is already something. Trying to play tricks on them will only result in them speaking with bayonets instead. President Juárez hadn’t expected this little trick to succeed in the first place. No matter how persuasive the arguments, the seeds of hatred were already sown during the purge. Patriotism? These people love the Mexican Empire, not the Mexican Republic. As supporters of Maximilian I, their real desire is the restoration of the Emperor. Now that Austria has intervened, they’re thrilled—there’s no way they would speak up for the Republican government. Moreover, they’re Austrian citizens now. If they suddenly changed their stance, wouldn’t that be treason? The usual methods of persuasion hit a dead end here. But making the attempt was still better than doing nothing. If these people accept compensation, it strengthens the Republican government’s bargaining position at the negotiating table. President Juárez no longer cared about personal honor and disgrace. From the moment he resolved to overthrow Maximilian I, he had prepared himself for the worst. This time, the Austrians deliberately targeted and directly hit the Republican government’s weak spot. They cannot accept the restoration of Maximilian I. No matter how things turn out, they are bound to face criticism. The average person might not understand the political disaster of having a puppet emperor, only thinking that Juárez was willing to sell out national interests for his own power. The constitutionalists have already started spreading this idea, even though they themselves are quite opposed to Maximilian I. But it doesn’t matter—after the restoration, the Emperor can always be made to abdicate, and someone else can take his place. In any case, Mexico cannot be without an Emperor. Otherwise, how would these nobles safeguard their interests? President Juárez doesn’t need to think too hard to know that soon this viewpoint will become mainstream, and his political opponents won’t miss the chance to kick him while he’s down. There’s only one way to turn the situation around: the Republicans must win the power struggle and take control of the narrative, giving President Juárez a chance to clear his name. Politics is cruel like that, and Juárez’s misfortune lies in the fact that his enemies are simply too powerful—it’s far from a fair fight. Now, he isn’t just facing Maximilian I but the House of Habsburg behind him. Maximilian’s failures in Mexico were so disastrous that Franz had to step in to clean up the mess. To salvage the family’s reputation, they now need an even worse “Mexican government” to contrast with Maximilian. That way, they can shift the blame, saying, “It’s the Mexican people who are at fault, not the Emperor from the Habsburgs.” Maximilian himself has no personal shortcomings. This is the only positive thing that can be said about him. So, the one chosen to be contrasted with him, President Juárez, is destined to be labeled as a “notorious, power-hungry troublemaker who brought chaos to Mexico.” If Juárez were 20 or 30 years younger, he might still have a chance to lead Mexico through internal reforms, build a moderately strong nation, and wash away this stain. But his health is failing. Once President Juárez is gone, and the Republicans lose their strong leadership, internal conflicts in Mexico will explode. When that civil war erupts, it will be the perfect time to whitewash Maximilian I’s image. Of course, Franz still has his pride and won’t blatantly lie to paint Maximilian in a better light. Terms like “wise and decisive,” “brilliant strategist,” “majestic and dignified,” “open to counsel,” “stabilized the country,” “dedicated to governance,” “appointed the capable and reformed the system”—none of these can be applied to Maximilian, though they might fit Franz himself. When the time comes, a wealth of evidence will be presented to show that Maximilian was a compassionate emperor and that the real reason for the government’s collapse was that “the Mexican people were corrupt, and there were too many traitors.” This wasn’t a useless effort as it had profound political significance. If Maximilian I wasn’t competent, it meant that the Habsburg family’s education had failed. This would make people wonder, what if such a self-destructive emperor appeared in Austria in the future? Some might begin to prepare for that eventuality, giving rise to the spread of all sorts of disruptive ideas. If such ideas were to be exploited by ambitious individuals, they might start advocating for the British-style constitutional monarchy, or worse, they might manipulate public opinion and force the monarch to relinquish power. In the original timeline, the British constitutional monarchy was ruined this way. Initially, it was meant to limit the monarch’s power and prevent the King from acting recklessly, but it eventually turned the King into nothing more than a figurehead. Don’t be fooled by the superficial appearance of the monarch having the upper hand in the game between sovereigns and ministers. Ministers were constantly being replaced, generation after generation, while the monarch only needed one incompetent ruler to lose all advantages. To prevent this scenario, Franz has been laying the groundwork. Until the system is fully established, any potential threats to royal authority must be quashed before they can grow. In this broader context, the only way for Mexico to rise is to keep Maximilian I as a figurehead Emperor, even if just as a rubber stamp. Otherwise, the better they do, the worse their fate will be. The moment they show signs of progress, they’ll face overwhelming retaliation. Franz’s true intentions remain hidden, so no one is aware of them. From the outside perspective, it was nothing more than Maximilian I being ousted, causing the Habsburg family to lose face, and Franz, as the head of the family, venting his anger on the Mexican Republican government.
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