“War must serve politics” was the best excuse Franz could come up with. He could hardly say that he was worried about history repeating itself, with the Hungarians suddenly breaking out in a wave and toppling the Bohemian army. No one would believe it if he said it out loud. The Bohemian army had 100,000 men. Even if it were halved, there would still be 50,000 regular troops. How many Hungarian troops were there in Budapest now? The Hungarian Republic may have a considerable number of military forces on paper, but in reality, Kossuth’s ability to mobilize active troops is severely limited. While various local governments have their own National Guard units, many are understaffed or vacant. The Kossuth government has managed to gather some of the retreating soldiers from the front lines, bringing the total military force in Budapest to 80,000 on paper. However, with an average of only two to three soldiers per rifle and a complete lack of morale, how much combat effectiveness can these units really have? Prince Windisch-Grätz, who was a soldier as well as a politician, naturally would not refute this statement. “Your Highness, could it be that the government has some plan?” Franz smiled and said, “Prince, have you forgotten the Italian battlefield?” Prince Windisch-Grätz nodded, acknowledging that while he did not consider the Kingdom of Sardinia a major threat, he would not refuse an easier victory in the war. With Austria’s main army attacking together, the Hungarian Republic was in imminent danger. If the Kingdom of Sardinia does not attack Venice now, it might have to face not 100,000 but 200,000 or even 300,000 Austrian troops in the future. They could not afford any more delays. The suppression of the Hungarian rebellion was an internal campaign, and the Habsburgs had not made the domestic situation catastrophically bad. Only with a solid base of public support could they sustain a war of this magnitude. “Order the frontline troops to take it steadily, advance step by step, and give the enemy no opportunity!” Franz added. …… The territory of the Kingdom of Hungary was not small, a good 300,000 square kilometers, more than three times the size of the later Hungarian Republic. By this time, two-thirds of the regions had already aligned themselves with the Austrian government. From a political standpoint, the Austrian government’s previous political maneuvers had been remarkably successful. The Bohemian army closest to Budapest was only a few dozen kilometers away, while the Transylvanian army furthest away was no more than 300 kilometers from Budapest. Since the outbreak of the war, the Hungarian government has been filled with anxiety, and many people have begun to regret their decisions. Austria’s reaction was much fiercer than they had imagined. Wasn’t the normal procedure to first send in police to arrest people, then send in a few thousand troops to suppress if that failed, and then send in more troops if that still failed... In short, the Hungarian Republic relied on the strategy of successively defeating Austria, steadily gaining victories, and then forcing the Austrian government to recognize its independence. This was what the Kossuth government envisioned for the Hungarian War of Independence, after taking a cue from the American War of Independence. There may be setbacks, there may be defeats, but the ultimate victory would surely belong to the Hungarian Republic. Deceiving even oneself was the highest realm of deception. Okay, maybe they did not really deceive but they were weaving a dream. Without that dream, they could not have come this far. Unfortunately, the director picked the wrong script to begin with. It was supposed to be a newbie instance to gain experience, but suddenly it became a hell raid dungeon, fighting directly against the big BOSS, but they were only level 0! Budapest Forced by circumstances, Kossuth had no choice but to seek the help of his greatest political rival, Count István Széchenyi. István Széchenyi, one of the most prominent Hungarian aristocrats, was Hungary’s greatest reformer and enjoyed immense respect in the country. Unlike Kossuth, who rose to prominence through speeches, he was a pragmatist who made outstanding contributions in the fields of education, transportation, culture, politics, and economics and was hailed as the greatest figure in Hungarian history. It has been proven that pragmatists are overshadowed by eloquent orators in terms of influence, which is why the Hungarian Republic came into being, as István remained loyal to the Emperor and opposed any violent revolution. Politically, István believed that all economic, political, and social reforms had to be carried out slowly and carefully to avoid unforeseeable consequences. Kossuth was in favor of building a rapidly industrializing country, while István was in favor of maintaining the traditionally strong agricultural industry and continuing on the path of an agrarian country. Their biggest conflict was over ethnicity. István believed that Hungary was a multiethnic country where people were divided by language, culture, and religion. It was very dangerous to promote nationalism. He believed that Hungary first needed gradual economic, social, and cultural progress and opposed excessive radicalism and nationalism. The nationalist policies promoted by Kossuth had already proven to be unsuccessful, as the Austrian government easily managed to sow division within Hungary. With no other options, Kossuth had no choice but to turn to his former political rival for help. “Count, for the sake of the 13 million people of the Hungarian Republic, I have come to ask you to step out!” István shook his head. After a long pause, he finally said, “Your Hungarian Republic does not have 13 million people. It probably does not even have 500,000 people. The rest are all subjects of His Majesty, Emperor Ferdinand I!” The silent pretension was the most face-slapping. István pointed directly to the real reason why the Hungarian Republic was in such dire straits. As the government pursued radical nationalist policies, minorities in Hungary chose to remain loyal to the Emperor. The republican government did not solve the land issue, so the peasants decided to be loyal to the emperor. The republican government did not consider the interests of the working class, so the workers decided to be loyal to the Emperor. What remained were the capitalists and nobility. Undoubtedly, quite a number of them were still loyal to the Emperor, with few who truly identified with the Hungarian Republic. “Count, now that the Hungarian Republic has been established and the Austrian army is about to invade, can you stand by and watch as Hungary is destroyed?” Kossuth asked angrily. István calmly said, “Mr. Kossuth, enough of this useless talk. I joined the military when I was 17, fought in the Napoleonic Wars, and served for 18 years before retiring. I understand military affairs better than you. Militarily speaking, I see no possibility of victory. Tell me, what can I do now? Of course, it would be a different story if you were willing to give up independence and prepare to negotiate with the Austrian government!” Kossuth’s face darkened greatly. Even though deep inside he agreed with István’s words, he could not say it out loud. As the head of the Hungarian Republic, he had no choice but to fight to the bitter end. Negotiation was tantamount to the end of his political career.
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