Military action had not yet begun, but under political and economic suppression, the emerging Hungarian Republic was already in dire straits. The republican government watched helplessly as regions such as Croatia, Transylvania, and Slovakia were won over by the Austrian government. The Austrian government had not yet begun its repression, but the Hungarian Republic had already shrunk by more than half and was still shrinking. President Kossuth was furious but powerless to stop it. The facts proved that bloodless revolutions were never thorough. Now the newborn Hungarian Republic was riddled with internal contradictions and lacked the power to take harsh measures against local governments. Budapest President Kossuth passionately gave a speech: “Everyone, do you still harbor illusions about the Austrians? Wake up! The Austrian government would never let us become independent so easily! In just half a month, the great nation of Hungary has lost nearly 60% of its territory. At this rate, it won’t be long before Budapest changes hands again. Everyone has experienced the attitude of the Austrian government towards revolutionaries. From Vienna to Italy, from Prague to Galicia, the enemy raised the butcher’s knife and carried out massacres. Does everyone think that Hungary will be an exception? If the revolution fails, all of us involved will either become exiled stray dogs or headless ghosts in the hands of the enemy! God, this is too horrible to imagine! I do not dare to think what great harm such a situation would do to Hungary…” The crowd had different reactions — some were excited, some were alarmed, and some were contemptuous. A representative of the nobility suddenly spoke up and interrupted: “Mr. Kossuth, we all understand these platitudes, say something practical! We have experienced the threat from Austria firsthand, but what practical solution does mere discussion offer? Are we to sit here and engage in empty rhetoric and expect the problem to be solved?” Certainly, one of the major weaknesses of the Hungarian Republic is its lack of effective implementation. It is a common trait of republican nations to engage in constant bickering and disagreement. Well, except perhaps Finland in later years, which could be considered an exception. After a president’s term is up, people seem to be too apathetic to bother with elections. If it weren’t for constitutional restrictions, presidents could practically serve for life. Obviously, the Hungarian Republic had not yet reached that level. Its consciousness was not that high. Contradictions had permeated the republican government since its establishment. Even now, many people oppose separation from Austria. Despite the impending conflict, they are reluctant to remove the Habsburg crown. Kossuth’s revolutionary party had no experience in government. As soon as it took office, problems arose incessantly. The chaotic political platform was also a major factor in the deteriorating situation. From the perspective of the Hungarian nation, Kossuth was a great defender of national interests. From the perspective of other Hungarian minorities, however, he was seen as an oppressor of their ethnic rights. Under the influence of extreme nationalism, the Hungarian Revolution was from the very beginning opposed to the ethnic minorities in the country. Meanwhile, the Austrian government assumed the role of protector of these minorities. Even more tragic was the narrow-mindedness of the Hungarian nation in this era. Apart from these hundreds of thousands of nobles, capitalists, and the middle class, the masses of serfs, workers, and the poor were excluded. No matter how it was glorified, the Hungarian Republican government did not consider the interests of the lower classes. The long-standing issue of serfdom was still not resolved. The decrees of the Republic were treated like toilet paper by the nobles and capitalists, but the weak Republican government was powerless. Speeches and inspiring people are Kossuth’s strengths, but when it comes to actual issues, things get tricky. He went from being a critic to suddenly being a policymaker, and he has yet to fully adjust to this new role. Kossuth frowned and said reluctantly, “Duke Leopold, our most important task now is to organize the military and suppress the rebels. We cannot allow the situation to deteriorate any further.” For the Hungarian Republic, it is indeed a betrayal that these local governments have sided with Austria. Unfortunately, they don’t see it that way themselves. The majority of the people consider the Hungarian Republic to be traitors, and they consider their allegiance to the Austrian Emperor to be the right path. Duke Leopold scoffed, “Then why didn’t the government send troops sooner? If they had sent troops at the first moment, the situation would definitely not have deteriorated to what it is now!” As members of the high nobility, they did indeed suffer heavy losses. The Austrian government confiscated a considerable amount of their land in one fell swoop. Behind the scenes, they also communicated with the Austrian government. However, under Franz's leadership, the cabinet strongly disapproved of their actions during the Hungarian rebellion and outright rejected their demands for the protection of their property. Without their fiefs, would there still be a difference between the major and minor nobility? In fact, their influence over the country was built on such land holdings. A major noble family owned tens or even hundreds of thousands of acres of land and also had a large number of serfs. As long as they wanted, they could raise armies of thousands or even tens of thousands at any time. This is the basis of their authority and confidence. At this time, Leopold was naturally dissatisfied with the Kossuth government. If it had not been for this revolution, they would still be the privileged high-ranking nobility, unlike now, where they could be crushed into dust at any time. Kossuth has his subordinates as well, and it was at this moment that the Minister of War, Liszt, spoke up: “Your Grace, you should be aware that military preparations take time. We must also consider the influence of the Austrian government. If we take military action without adequate preparation, it could easily lead to an Austrian military offensive against us. Caught off guard, it would be very difficult for us to win!” His explanation was looked upon with disdain by many people since the so-called military preparations had so far only remained on paper. The revolutionary party was also suspicious of the nobility. After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, Kossuth appointed a large number of “commoner generals.” Not every commoner general was a hidden talent. The vast majority truly lacked ability, and their military knowledge was far inferior to that of noble officers. Such a situation cannot be resolved in a short period of time. Leading troops into battle require years of cultivation from an early age. In Europe, only the major nobles had a comprehensive system for developing military talent, so until the 20th century most of Europe’s famous generals came from noble families. Under the Vienna System, the European continent had been at peace for decades. Without actual combat, even if a commoner general was blessed with divine talent, he had no room to grow. Historically, due to a lack of generals, the Hungarian Republic eventually found a Polish veteran to lead it. This also caused the Hungarian nobility and the republican government to drift apart. It was no different now. One reason the Hungarian Republic did not take military action was the fear of provoking Austria. Another reason was the revolutionaries’ distrust of the high nobles.
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Thank u so much for the chapter🙏😆
ReplyDeletecritical bug: Clicking "next" in this chapter, to go to chapter 73 is broken, chapter 73 doesn't render. "Sorry, the page you were looking for in this blog does not exist."
ReplyDeleteLooks like a problem with the URL, it has no title.
But if you find the chapter through the chapter list, it works.